The local elections last week have been exhaustively analysed by the South African cognoscente; and we don't have much to add to the general consensus – other than a comment or two on the reasons the Democratic Alliance won support beyond the white community in this election. However, for the benefit of our international readers' the following by way of general conclusions:

There were two winners in this election, firstly South Africa itself; and secondly the Democratic Alliance. South Africa was a winner in that the election was conducted and supervised by the Independent Electoral Commission on a "first world" basis. Technically, there were no hitches and the voting and counting were done with the highest transparency and with remarkable rapidity.

Regarding the Democratic Alliance (DA), these were local elections and the main issue was service delivery (or lack thereof). But the actual contest was at a national level with national leadership – with the DA's Helen Zille quite spectacular - dominating the campaigning and the publicity surrounding the election. For this reason, the outcome is so much more significant. In the result, one out of four voters supported the Democratic Alliance, which increased its overall poll from 12.37% to 24% - a growth of 94%. In fact, the DA increased its share of votes in every municipality and every ward it contested – a very encouraging achievement. The result in effect is that, with the virtual elimination of all the minnow parties, South Africa can be said to have two serious political players – although, given the racial nature of voting, the political system will still be of the "one-party dominant variety". What this means is that, while the ANC has serious reasons to be concerned at the swing to the Democratic Alliance, for the foreseeable future it will be the dominant party.

What is important is that the DA's performance has introduced a new interest in politics – because a different political future from that dictated by the ANC has become possible. By general agreement, the DA broke through the "white ceiling". Aside from running a consistent and relevant campaign driven by three personable, intellectually appealing and attractive women – one black, one coloured and one white – the DA successfully marketed its reputation as a sound governing party in the Western Cape (the only province which it controls).
However, in our view there are other reasons for the black support the DA won over – and we believe these are important.

It so happens that The Economist last week (20 May) carried a report on the growing middle-class in Africa. This will increasingly shape African politics and economics – as it is doing in South Africa. These are people – and their numbers will grow – who would have been responsible for the DA's improved result in last week's election.

These are people who, while liking their newly-won wealth and status, find the highly publicised conspicuous consumption of fellow-blacks thoroughly distasteful.

These are people who are disturbed by the corruption which increasingly is part of the spoils of public office.
These are people who are offended by the Julius Malema's of the ANC and their distasteful anti-feminist electioneering, and worried by their wild populist statements about nationalising mines and banks and seizing white land.
These are people who object to the racialism represented by the likes of Jimmy Manyi and who identify with Manuel's repudiation of Manyi.
These are people who are deeply troubled by the lack of direction within the ANC; and
These are people who are concerned at the sheer dumbing-down which characterises our political culture.
Much of the above is reflected in a letter to Business Day from a black correspondent and which is worth quoting at some length: "Sadly the ANC, which seems to refute the election verdict through its obsessive denial that its power is slowly fading. This is because of the party's tolerance of corruption, arrogance, lack of vision, accommodation of criminals and fraudsters and its' grand-standing, which amounts to disrespect of the citizens." She goes on to say: "Confidence in the party's leadership is waning because the party has a penchant to sweep important criminal matters involving its members or their criminal business friends under the carpet in the hope the country will forget." She also says that: "The refusal of both ANC president Jacob Zuma and the ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema to participate in a political debate with both Ms Zille and DA spokeswoman and MP Lindiwe Mazibuko, respectively, shows a total disrespect and denigration of the country and its constituency. Only leaders without ideas run away from debates."

The ANC was described by the week-end press as being "shaken by the election outcome". This is obviously good. But it is also in everybody's interest that the ANC respond positively and creatively to the election result. And that would mean, firstly that it needs to raise its game at all levels of government. And there are steps that must be taken in this regard – like abolishing the concept of "cadre deployment" and – very importantly – using the skills of this country without regard to race.

Secondly, the ANC needs to drop its claim of being the only political movement to be taken seriously because of its liberationist past. That claim, while undoubtedly having historical relevance, from a practical political point of view is beyond its sell-by date. The ANC needs now to start acting like a political party.

And thirdly, it needs to look at the national leadership it is giving this country. It needs a leader who understands the damage that is being caused to South Africa and Africa by wild, populist claims. And a leader who puts the interest of the nation above the particular interests of the ANC. Fortunately, there are people within the organisation who can provide the kind of leadership that is needed, and this election should be the signal to them to start asserting themselves. President Zuma has to be a one-term experience.