An international news magazine, after describing Nelson Mandela's life and achievements, concluded: "It is hard to think of anyone else in the world in recent times with whom every single person, in every corner of the Earth, can somehow identify. He was, quite simply, a wonderful man".

For individual South Africans of all races and religions his death has been experienced as a tremendous loss because he was universally admired and loved. Inevitably, his passing would put South Africa in the international limelight in a uniquely unprecedented way. Every part of the 10-day celebration of his life was transmitted to the world. No fewer than 91 heads of state attended his memorial service last Tuesday. And now that they have all gone home the question we ask is: did we as South Africans do justice to this greatest of sons? And did we do justice to his land of birth?

These questions are not lightly asked. They go to the heart of what South Africa is and what it will be in the future - especially given the legacy and values that shaped the life of Nelson Mandela.

Ahmed Kathrada, one of Mandela’s closest associates and one of the seven who were convicted with Mandela at the Rivonia trial, wrote of him this weekend: "Nelson Mandela symbolises qualities of collective leadership, reconciliation, unity and forgiveness." The Cape Town Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger yesterday, on its front page describing Sunday’s funeral service, included the following phrase in a box: "He taught the world the beauty of forgiveness ".

Aside from the fact that this was a state funeral, and so should have involved representatives of all South African communities,  South Africans, their government and the ANC ruling party had the opportunity to focus on this particular quality of Mandela, so doing justice to the man and to “the rainbow nation”. That didn't happen. The ANC, with a general election four months away, in its small-mindedness could not resist the temptation of squeezing every bit of political advantage out of the celebration. Not inviting Archbishop Desmond Tutu – a regular critic of the ANC - to the funeral service was disgraceful. Several top ANC spokespersons expressed the tasteless sentiment that the first thing Mandela would do when he got to heaven was establish an ANC branch, if there were not one there already. And a notable feature of ANC speeches was a heavy emphasis on the armed struggle and Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in ending apartheid - so deflecting attention away from Mandela’s role and his particular qualities in bringing about a democratic South Africa.

That the watching world was unimpressed is clear from the international responses we have received. South Africa is the butt of jokes in the social media as a result of the thoroughly incompetent interpreter of proceedings. This speaks of a level of ineptitude. And deeply moving as the funeral on Sunday was, the unruly crowds and the booing of the sitting President at the earlier memorial service hardly generated confidence. Although the ANC was not vilified in the media, its leaders were.

In the 70s and 80s, as international pressure built up on apartheid South Africa, the dominant expectation among academics and foreign policy experts was that change would only come about as a result of violence and revolution; and given the power of the South African state and the determination of Afrikaner nationalism, even this would not happen soon. The general view was that Afrikaners would not change. Yet this happened. And it didn't happen as a result of the ANC's “armed struggle”. That was the least effective aspect of the anti-apartheid campaign. Yes, it played a role – as did economic sanctions and sport boycotts. But it was the particular quality of leadership that Mandela brought to the situation that was crucial.

Ansie Krog, the well-known Afrikaans writer, describes a meeting between three Afrikaner Defence Force Generals and Mandela. The Generals extolled the power and sophistication of their military equipment, indicating a willingness to fight a war indefinitely.  And from a military point of view they were compelling. Mandela, Krog says, "conceded their strengths, and after sketching their victory as of little worth to either side, suggested negotiations become part of something larger. This counter-intuitive alternative,” writes Krog, "changed the course of South Africa's history.”

Even before his release from prison, Mandela brought the same qualities to bear in his discussions with Pres P.W. Botha.  As a consequence this hard-liner so to speak began amending certain chapters in the apartheid book. After him, F.W. De Klerk, also under Mandela's influence, threw away that particular book and decided to write a new one together with Madiba.

While acknowledging  that Mandela did not single- handedly  end  apartheid - he needed F.W. de Klerk for that - The Economist in its obituary remarks: "His great achievement was to see the need for reconciliation, to forswear retribution and then to act as midwife to a new, democratic South Africa, built on the rule of law". This was something only he could do. Mandela, in sensing the time was right to talk, acted boldly and individually in meeting with Government Ministers.  In fact, he did so knowing that he would be criticised as a “sell-out” by even high-ranking ANC members like Govan Mbeki.

His Presidency (1994 - 1999: he chose to serve only one term) was quite critical in enabling the country to settle down. This may be demonstrated by way of a side comment in respect to Omega, which began business in 1987. We actually experienced the effect of his leadership. Advising foreign businesses on what was happening in South Africa and what was likely to happen was our main activity. However, by 1995, our main activity was promoting investment into the country through international workshops and roadshows, with President Mandela keynoting an event we organised in Tokyo. Today, as far as South Africa is concerned, we are again devoting a lot of time to political risk analysis!

That same quality of forgiveness and reconciliation was evident in the visit he made to Mrs Betsy Verwoerd, the widow of Dr Verwoerd, the high priest of apartheid, where he had tea with her in the Afrikaner homeland. Similarly, in his insistence on accepting a subpoena to appear as a witness in a rather unfortunate court matter initiated by the businessmen and rugby czar Louis Luyt. It is evident also in the approach he made to South African rugby captain Francois Pienaar at the time of the 1995 world cup as a way of winning over Afrikaners. His decision to meet and talk with Dr Percy Yutar, the prosecutor in the Rivonia trial, who had asked for the death sentence.

The point I am making is it that these were individual actions, as with so much of what Mandela did, reflecting a personal quality, a very decent quality, which had little to do with his role in the ANC. His apparently very personal associations with the people around him – ordinary police constables and his serving staff, etc. It explains also his personal relationship with somebody like successful businessman Johan Rupert or even the contact he made with my wife and I. When still ambassador in London, we had sent him Christmas cards when he was on Robben Island. Shortly after his release we were surprised to get a phone call from him thanking us.

The latest Economist, which devotes its cover story to Mandela, says that among his many achievements, two stand out. "First, he was the world's most inspiring example of fortitude, magnanimity and dignity in the face of oppression, serving more than 27 years in prison for his belief that all men and women are created equal..…. second,  and little short of miraculous, was the way in which he engineered and oversaw South Africa’s transformation from a byword for nastiness and narrowness into, at least in intent, a rainbow nation in which people, no matter what their colour, were entitled to be treated with respect”.  I would add a third, and that would be his leadership and inspiration of the African National Congress. He was of course born into the ANC which was established in 1912. But he never put the ANC  above his values and principles. And the failings and shortcomings of the ANC today can't be blamed on Mandela. Indeed, The Economist hits the nail on the head when it says: "The greatness of Nelson Mandela challenges everybody – but especially his political heirs".

Editorial Note:

Dr Worrall's tribute to Nelson Mandela in our last Insight received an unusually big response from our client-base all over the world; and given the enormous global audience the memorial service last Tuesday and the funeral on Sunday attracted, Dr Worrall has devoted the last Insight of 2013 to some general and personal impressions of the send-off Nelson Mandela received from his countrymen. In a nutshell, we could have done better.

2013 has been a good year for our two interrelated companies - Omega Investment Research and African Business Advisers. The conferences/workshops we have organised have been highly successful; and ABA is engaged in a number of interesting and potentially rewarding transactions. As is evident from our website www.omegainvest.co.za, we are also focusing on specific business segments like agriculture, agribusiness, food security, renewable energy, innovation, water, technology, and education & training. A major specific focus in 2014 will be on promoting the National Development Plan both in respect of specific areas of business and at the municipal and local government level. During 2013 we developed the basis of a business relationship with Mauritius. We intend taking that forward energetically in 2014.

Our next Insight will appear on the 14th January 2014 and from a business/transaction point of view it will focus on investment opportunities in renewable energy.

Wishing you Seasons Greetings and a Happy  & Healthy 2014

Stacey Farao, Managing Editor