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GUIDE: How to see through political spin before South Africa’s November 2026 election


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GUIDE: How to see through political spin before South Africa’s November 2026 election

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GUIDE: How to see through political spin before South Africa’s November 2026 election

Africa Check

8th September 2026

By: Africa Check

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Political parties have been launching manifestos and local government campaigns 

Many of these claims contain real numbers and verifiable achievements. But a claim does not need to be false to mislead. 

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Africa Check has been following the campaigns. And having covered elections in several African countries for over a decade, here are some of the tactics and techniques to watch for, and questions that you can ask to help put political claims in context.

1: The rock-bottom baseline 

The tactic: Measure today against the worst of yesterday.

Many South African municipalities are struggling. For example, only 39 of 257 municipalities (15%) achieved clean audits, according to findings released by the auditor-general in June 2026.

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Political parties have made such challenges central to their campaigns. 

In its manifesto, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) describes local government as being in a “deep and worsening crisis”. The manifesto of the Democratic Alliance (DA) also relies heavily on rock-bottom framing. At its launch in August 2026, party leader Geordin Hill-Lewis said the party would “show up every morning and fix what has been broken”. 

In his acceptance speech as ActionSA’s Johannesburg mayoral candidate, delivered from a boxing ring in Soweto, Herman Mashaba said the city was in a “fight for its future”. 

Johannesburg mayor Dada Morero of the African National Congress (ANC) used similar framing, but defensively, in his May 2026 state of the city address. “Every time I hear someone say that Johannesburg remains Africa's richest City, it warms my heart. It means we have not collapsed; we must be doing something right,” he said.

The problem is not necessarily these descriptions. It is that terms such as “crisis” and “collapse” are not meaningful baselines. If the starting point is vague enough, even a slight improvement can be presented as a turnaround. 

The question to ask: Compared with when? What was the actual measure then, and what is it now?

2: The big number with no denominator

The tactic: Quote a figure without putting it in context. 

Politicians know big numbers sound impressive. But to have meaning, they need context. Often what is missing is the denominator, or the total against which the number should be measured. 

The DA’s Johannesburg campaign promises to “attract at least 200 000 new jobs” over five years. This is specific enough to track. But voters still need context. 

How many people are currently unemployed in Johannesburg? What share would 200 000 represent?

Stats SA’s second-quarter survey, released in August 2026, counted 1.07-million unemployed people in Johannesburg and 1.91-million with work. The city’s unemployment rate was 35.9%, higher than the national rate of 33.6% and up from 33% a year earlier. 

Against that baseline, 200 000 jobs would be a little under a fifth of the 1.07-million people currently unemployed.

There is another question. What counts as a “new” job? Is it one directly created or funded by the city, or one “attracted”, as the DA put it, likely through improved conditions for investment?

This can also apply to infrastructure. In his 2026 city address, Morero said Johannesburg had replaced 20.4 kilometres of water pipes. But Johannesburg Water has said thousands of kilometres of the city’s pipe network require renewal. Morero himself said in February 2026 that about 2,600km needed urgent attention.

Against that figure, the 20.4km replaced represents less than 1%. 

The question to ask: Out of how many? What does the number represent as a share of the whole problem?

3: The unfalsifiable promise

The tactic: Commit to something bold, but vague enough that you can’t be held accountable for it.

Promises built around aspirational language but without measurable targets, timelines or budgets leave little room for accountability. While this may not be deliberate deception, vague promises can provide political cover regardless of intent. 

The South African Communist Party (SACP) is contesting independently of the ANC for the first time in its history. Launching its manifesto on 16 August, it said: “Reliable water is the first condition of dignity. We will end water tankers and dry taps. We will fight for fair, pro-poor tariffs for water and electricity, protect lifeline services, and stop punitive disconnections.”

The SACP also pledged to “fight” for the proper maintenance of roads in townships and villages and for affordable public transport under public and community control, among other commitments.

The DA is promising “reliable water and electricity” in Johannesburg, as is the ANC, which has also pledged “capable municipalities, aligned government, funded plans, clear responsibility, continuous monitoring and accountability for results”.

These are important goals, but words such as “reliable”, “affordable”, “fair” and “capable” need clear definitions. Does affordable electricity mean tariffs will rise by less than inflation? By how much will water losses be reduced, and by when?

Without such details, voters may struggle to determine whether the promises were kept.

The question to ask: By when, how much and how?

4: Activity presented as achievement

The tactic: Tell you what an administration did without showing what changed.

In his 2026 address, Morero reported that his ‘Bomb Squad’, which responds to escalated cases flagged across major municipal entities including the Johannesburg Roads Agency, City Power, Joburg Water and Pikitup, had processed 724 service delivery cases in six weeks and resolved 86% of them. 

That sounds encouraging. But what did it change across the city?

City Power reported around 1.3-million power interruptions over the second half of 2025, while Joburg Water reported over 4 000 pipe bursts and more than 6 000 sewage blockages each month. 

Processing 724 cases may show an effort to improve service delivery. It does not, on its own, show that residents experienced fewer service failures. For example, just 44% of water bursts were fixed within 48 hours, against a target of 90%.

The question to ask: What changed? Did outages fall? Were faults fixed faster? Are residents getting more reliable services?

5: The promise beyond a municipality’s control

The tactic: Campaign on an issue without saying whether a municipality has the power to fix it.

Local elections are fought on issues people care about. Parties know this, so they may campaign on them whether or not a municipal council controls them.

The Constitution gives municipalities authority over a defined range of local functions, although national and provincial governments may regulate, monitor and support how these are carried out. Knowing what municipalities can and cannot control helps voters judge whether a promise is even within their power to deliver. 

For example, the police service is national, as are the courts, prosecutions, prisons and social grants. Schools and hospitals are mainly provincial responsibilities. Electricity generation and the national grid belong to Eskom.

A political party promising to increase social grants during a local election, for example, is promising something a council has no authority to deliver. 

At the launch of the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) manifesto, its Ekurhuleni mayoral candidate Tambo Makoena reportedly called for harsh sentences for city officials facing corruption charges.  But sentencing is a judicial function that a mayor cannot control.

In August, ActionSA eThekwini mayoral candidate Zwakele Mncwango was quoted as saying he would establish a dedicated unit to deal with undocumented immigrants. The DA’s Johannesburg candidate Helen Zille has also promised “zero tolerance for illegal immigration”.

But immigration is a national function. 

This does not mean candidates who raise crime or illegal immigration are necessarily being dishonest. These are contested issues voters care about, and candidates are entitled to take positions on them. But voters should distinguish between taking a position and promising an outcome a council does not have the power to deliver. 

The question to ask: Can the municipal government actually do this?

6: Claiming credit where it's not due

The tactic: Present an improvement as part of your record without making clear who was responsible for it.

Before launching its 2026 manifesto, the ANC reviewed its 2021 local-election commitments and claimed major progress, including reducing electricity shortages. 

But national electricity generation and the national grid are primarily the responsibility of state utility Eskom. Municipalities generally distribute electricity in the areas they serve and maintain their local networks.

An improvement in national load shedding therefore does not automatically mean a particular municipality improved its electricity service. Residents can experience fewer national blackouts while still facing local failures.

In August 2026, Johannesburg cleared its R5.25-billion debt to Eskom, which had threatened to switch off the lights. Mayor Morero called the settlement a “significant milestone in the city’s journey towards financial sustainability”. But the settlement followed a national government intervention mediated by electricity and energy minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa.

Another example shows how political credit can become even harder to untangle. At an investment conference in March, president Cyril Ramaphosa mentioned water reforms, including ring-fencing water revenues. Launching its manifesto in August, the DA also said it would ring-fence water revenue. 

The question to ask: Who actually delivered this?

7: The vanishing promise

The tactic: Make an eye-catching announcement, then stop talking about it when public attention moves on.

One good test of a new election promise is to look at the old ones. 

In his 2025 state of the city address, Morero announced plans for a “Digital Public Infrastructure” that would use artificial intelligence to detect water leaks and help manage electricity supply. 

In 2026, this became a much broader commitment to use AI to “better our services”. The ANC manifesto does not mention AI at all.

Political promises often outlive the campaigns that produced them. Looking back at previous promises can also reveal the selective record, showing what politicians continue to highlight and what quietly drops away.

This pattern can be seen nationally too. The proposal to establish a Human Settlements Development Bank has appeared, disappeared and resurfaced several times. 

Intended to use public and private funding to finance affordable housing, it was announced by Ramaphosa in early 2019, and appeared again in the ANC’s 2024 manifesto

In the years since, the promise seems to have vanished. In a parliamentary committee response in February 2026, Noluthando Khulukazi Mashologu, deputy chairperson of the National Housing Finance Committee overseeing the issue, said the bank had been a “great idea and needed much work”, but that the organisation had not been “ready” to establish it.

The question to ask: What happened to the promise from last time?

Your 2026 local elections checklist: 8 questions to ask

How to see through political spin
 

This report was written by Africa Check., a non-partisan fact-checking organisation. View the original piece on their website.

 

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