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Date
: 29/08/2003
Source: South African Reserve Bank
Title: Plenderleith: Symposium on Monetary Policy and Uncertainty:
Adapting to a Changing Economy
SPEECH BY IAN PLENDERLEITH, DEPUTY GOVERNOR OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN
RESERVE BANK, TO A SYMPOSIUM ON MONETARY POLICY AND UNCERTAINTY:
ADAPTING TO A CHANGING ECONOMY ORGANISED BY THE FEDERAL RESERVE
BANK OF KANSAS CITY AT JACKSON HOLE, WYOMING USA ON 28 - 30 AUGUST
2003, 29 August 2003
IS MONETARY POLICY DIFFERENT IN AFRICA?
1. A good deal of attention has been directed in recent years to
the very interesting and germane question of how far the challenges
facing central banks in conducting monetary policy in emerging
market economies differ from those facing their colleagues in
developed countries.
2. Are the very evident differences, for example in economic and
social structure, in the pace of change and in exposure to shifts
in the global economy, so significant as to require a difference in
approach to conducting monetary policy? If so, what are the
material differences and what adjustments do they require
policymakers to make, in focus or in process? In particular, can
inflation targeting, which was adopted with such good effect by a
vanguard of (mainly) developed countries in the early-1990s,
deliver similar beneficial results for the larger phalanx of
emerging market economies who followed suit in the
late-1990s?
3. The purpose of this contribution is not to add to the burgeoning
theoretical literature, but to offer some observations from
practical experience of both worlds.
4. That experience needs some disclaimer at the outset. Thirty
years of wrestling with British monetary policy at the Bank of
England certainly does not entitle one to claim any extended track
record of success, though the last ten years went a lot better than
the previous 20. Equally, six months (so far) contributing to the
conduct of monetary policy in South Africa is far too narrow a span
to allow one to claim any first hand expertise in the distinctive
circumstances of emerging market economies. But the privilege of
serving successively on the Monetary Policy Committees of two such
different countries is given to relatively few central bankers and
it has been fascinating to try to assess whether monetary policy
really is different in Africa.
5. What strikes one initially, in moving from a developed to an
emerging market economy, is the remarkable similarity in the
monetary policy process. This, on reflection, perhaps ought not to
be surprising, given the effort the international community has
invested in recent years in promulgating standards of international
good practice for the conduct of macro-economic policy.
6. In terms of the structure of the policy framework, one obvious
common feature is the critical importance of government
establishing a disciplined and coherent framework for fiscal and
monetary policy to work in mutual support, so that weakness in the
public finances does not undermine monetary discipline and so that
the commitment to low inflation is seen to be embedded as a key
feature of the government's overall economic strategy. Another
common feature is the need for the central bank to be able to act
independently in pursuing low inflation, and to have the technical
expertise and professional competence to do its job and command
public confidence. Yet another common feature is the need for the
country to have a reasonably developed and competently-regulated
financial system. In all these respects South Africa scores highly,
as indeed international scrutiny through visiting IMF/World Bank
missions has confirmed.
7. In process, too, the procedures through which monetary policy
are conducted are remarkably similar. There are differences, but
they are essentially ones of form, rather than substance.
8. Thus, as in other inflation-targeting countries, the inflation
target is set as a key government economic objective. A structured
Monetary Policy Committee in the central bank meets at regular,
pre-announced intervals to take a considered decision on interest
rates, enabling policy-makers to step aside from their day jobs for
36 hours and concentrate on a communal review of the monetary
outlook. The emphasis, as elsewhere, is on a forward-looking
assessment, weighing uncertainties and risks in the unknown future.
Also, as elsewhere, the process is surrounded by lively public
debate as to what monetary action should be taken, with market
commentators showing commendable lack of reticence in arguing their
views. Key to the value their contributions can add is the high
degree of transparency in the process. In South Africa, as
elsewhere, communication and explanation are key elements in
monetary policy achieving its behavioural effects, and also
critical features in the process by which the central bank is,
quite properly, held accountable for its actions.
9. All these elements, then, look and feel remarkably similar to a
central banker migrating from an advanced developed country to an
emerging market economy. What is, of course, fundamentally
different is the economic, social and cultural environment in which
the policy process has to be operated.
10. This difference in the environment could simply be regarded as
a feature that raises the level of uncertainty facing policy-makers
as to what is going on in the economy - a difference in degree, but
not such as to make the challenges different in kind in any
fundamental way. A higher level of uncertainty can in fact matter a
lot in itself, in making policy-makers less confident of their
judgements and more inclined to wait and see. But there are grounds
for arguing that the distinctly different environment in emerging
market economies goes further in its implications for the way in
which monetary policy has to be operated. Four possible effects can
be identified.
11. First, because they are undergoing significant structural
change, many emerging market economies may be more vulnerable to
shocks than fully-developed economies. Of course, all economies
experience shocks, but the frequency and scale may be greater in
emerging market economies.
12. These shocks can have their origin in the domestic economy (a
poor crop) or arrive unexpectedly from overseas (higher oil
prices). Either way, they are difficult enough to handle if they
impact on the demand side, but more often the emerging market
central banker has to grapple with sharp movements in cost
pressures on the supply side. The orthodox response to shifts in
supply conditions is to accept the first-round effect on prices and
concentrate monetary action on heading off second-round impacts
that can otherwise generate an inflationary cycle. This may be
conceptually clear, but in practice it is a hideously difficult
distinction to have to translate into monetary decisions. It is a
good discipline in these circumstances to remind oneself regularly
that higher interest rates will not help to make the maize crop
grow higher.
13. South Africa's experience in 2001 - 02 is a good case in point.
A precipitate and largely inexplicable fall in the exchange rate in
the latter part of 2001 combined with higher fuel costs and
increases in domestic food prices to deliver a severe inflationary
shock. The central bank's response, to raise interest rates in
progressive steps in 2002, was exemplary and appears to have worked
well, with inflation now falling steadily back towards target range
as the shock recedes. But the consequences were to make the central
bank's task of embedding low inflation in the fabric of the economy
much more challenging, because of the inevitable questions this
experience raised as to whether, faced with such shocks, monetary
policy really could achieve permanently low inflation. That it can,
and is doing so, is now gaining wider acceptance, as reflected in
continuing evidence of falling inflationary expectations. But it
has required, alongside carefully-timed monetary tightening, a
strong effort by the central bank to communicate its determination.
The prevalence of supply-side shocks would thus seem to be one area
in which emerging market economies may face particular challenges
in operating monetary policy.
14. Another may arise from the impact of the exchange rate.
Movements in exchange rates may have a relatively larger impact in
emerging market economies, and their currencies may be more exposed
to underlying volatility. Certainly, recent experience in South
Africa suggests that the recovery in the rand over the past year
has been an important factor in containing inflation. In part this
recovery has reflected the general weakening in the dollar, and
factors such as higher commodity prices have also been an
influence. But the currency's recovery has also been an important
channel by which monetary tightening worked its way through to the
economy. If the relationship between interest rates and exchange
rate movements were predictable, the effectiveness of the exchange
rate transmission channel would be helpful to monetary policy. But
in practice this relationship remains rather inscrutable.
15. Moreover, the fact that emerging market currencies are subject
to volatility resulting from shifts unconnected with the country
itself, such as the recent substantial adjustments by the dollar
and the euro, means that movements in the exchange rate can have
impacts on domestic monetary conditions that can be both large in
their effects and impossible to anticipate. Of course, it can
always be argued that in these circumstances the central bank
should try to moderate movements in the exchange rate in greater or
less degree. But the instruments available, for example through
capital controls or official intervention, if maintained for any
period, do not have at all an encouraging track record and may have
counter-productive side-effects by impeding desirable structural
adjustment or actually increasing exchange rate volatility. The
appropriate remedy is to stick to the fundamentals, focusing
monetary action determinedly on low inflation while taking into
account impacts from the exchange rate as one amongst a range of
relevant influences. But it needs to be recognised that these
impacts may be particularly significant for emerging market
economies.
16. A further distinctive feature is more straightforward, but can
easily be overlooked - that policy-makers in emerging market
economies tend to have less information available to them about
developments in the economy. This is essentially a form of resource
constraint. It applies to statistics, where relevant series may be
available less frequently, or in less comprehensive or
disaggregated form, or simply less reliable. In South Africa, what
was in origin a relatively minor distortion in the compilation of
the CPI produced a downward revision, when it was discovered, of
nearly 2 percentage points in the 12-month rate of inflation. This
at least had the merit of being a rare example of a good news
shock. Such events are not unique to emerging market economies: the
UK and others have experienced problems with important statistical
series from time to time. But diverting scarce resources to
statistical compilation is inevitably a problem in an economy where
the relevant skills are often a key constraint on economic
development as whole. The same applies, too, more generally to
knowledge of the transmission mechanism: understanding of
functional relationships across the economy is bound to be less
secure when the structure of the economy is undergoing rapid
change. The existance of a large informal economy further
complicates the task.
17. This leads to a fourth implication for monetary policy in an
emerging market economy. This is the critical role played by
confidence in, and the credibility of, the policy framework. This
has both a domestic and an international dimension. Domestically,
there is a critical need to win public acceptance of the value of
low inflation and public confidence in the determination and
ability of the central bank to achieve it. Internationally,
confidence that the policy framework will be adhered to can have a
powerful influence on investment inflows and on the exchange rate.
These factors are, of course, crucial to monetary policy in any
country. But the task of buttressing them is the more challenging
in emerging market economies because the track record of commitment
is relatively much shorter.
18. These can be argued to be some of the distinctive challenges
faced by monetary policy-makers in emerging market economies. Are
they, however, sufficiently distinctive as to require any
fundamentally different approach in the conduct of monetary policy?
The answer, to quote Evelyn Waugh, has to be, "Up to a point, Lord
Copper." They are not different in kind from the factors which
central banks in any country have to face. But they do perhaps play
a more predominant part in the monetary policy judgement in
emerging market economies than elsewhere.
19. This suggests two final observations.
20. First, because of the uncertainties, central banks in emerging
market economies may understandably tend to be relatively cautious
in adjusting their policy stance, in the sense of spacing
adjustments in relatively smaller steps over more extended periods.
No central banker need ever apologise for being regarded as being
cautious. But it does mean that, even in circumstances in which
there may be a case for contemplating more bold action, the balance
of risks may argue against such an approach.
21. Secondly, given the challenges, can an inflation targeting
framework realistically be expected to deliver the desired results
in the emerging market context?. If the various distinctive
features identified above - periodic unexpected shocks, exchange
rate volatility, imperfect information sources and public
confidence that is not yet fully robust - occurring in whatever
combination, result in the central bank missing its target for any
extended period, there is of course a danger that the credibility,
or even the feasibility, of the process could be called into
question. But arguably, it is precisely in these circumstances that
the clarity an inflation target can be most helpful, and powerful,
in communicating the central bank's policy intentions. That the
challenges are formidable is not a reason for stepping back from
clarity. It is, instead, a powerful reason in favour of the clarity
of an inflation target can deliver, reinforced by effective
communication by the central bank, consistency in its conduct of
policy and transparency in explaining its actions. In this broader
perspective, the fundamentals of monetary policy are not, in any
meaningful way, different in Africa.
Contact Person: Themba Hlengani
Tel: (27) 313 4669, Mobile: (27) 72 462 5015
Source: South African Reserve Bank
(http://www.reservebank.co.za)