We have detected that the browser you are using is no longer supported. As a result, some content may not display correctly.
We suggest that you upgrade to the latest version of any of the following browsers:
close notification
Date
: 29/08/2005
Source: Ministry for Intelligence Services
Title: Kasrils: Sea Power for Africa Symposium
Opening address by the Honourable South African Minister for
Intelligence Services, Ronnie Kasrils, MP, at the “Sea Power
for Africa” symposium
The Honourable Deputy Minister for Defence, Mr Mluleki
George,
The Chief of the South African National Defence Force, General
Ngwenya,
The Secretary for Defence, Mr Masilela The Chief of the South
African Navy, Vice-Admiral Mudimu,
Chiefs of African navies,
Representatives of navies and coast guards in Africa present
here,
Members of the South African Plenary Defence Staff Council, flag
and general officers, officers, Ladies and gentlemen
Standing in for our Minister of Defence, Mr Mosiuoa Lekota, may I
say it is an honour to open this inaugural ‘Sea Power for
Africa’ Symposium 2005.
I do so in the words of South Africa’s former President,
Nelson Mandela. In his address to the International Fleet Review
that celebrated the 75th anniversary of the South African Navy here
in Table Bay, in 1997, he said:
“The sea is a vital national interest, and that is why we
maintain a navy. Just as we believe that all people should be free,
so too as a nation we believe in the freedom of the seas.
That is a matter of national strategic interest. We are a maritime
nation trading all over the world. We accept our obligation to
combine with other maritime nations to uphold the freedom of the
seas and to protect our national interests through naval
power.”
I am particularly pleased to see so many of our navies and coast
guards represented here today. In 1994 we hosted the Southern
African Naval Chiefs Conference attended by seven navies and in
1995 the inaugural meeting of the Standing Maritime Committee of
the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which has been
doing sterling work since then to develop co-operation among our
navies here in the south of the continent.
Today we have 28 navies from many parts of Africa present, meeting
for the first time, to lay the groundwork for the future. We have
all come a long way, and we are heading in the right
direction.
The destiny of this continent has for centuries been determined by
the sea powers of the world, not by the people of the continent.
That has been the case because they had the ability, the sea power,
to voyage to Africa and to impose their will.
Thus the European powers were able to establish colonies in Africa;
thus were the slave traders from east and west able to come to
Africa and carry away Africans to work in their plantations and
fields; and thus too has Africa been a pawn in various wars between
other powers, from the Napoleonic era through the two World Wars to
the Cold War.
For too long Africa has lacked the ability to control its waters or
access to the continent from the sea. Not since the navies of
Carthage and Ancient Egypt and, we must admit, the Barbary
Corsairs, has Africa had any real ability to influence events along
its coasts or protect its interests or assets.
Since the seventh Century, every invasion, every colonisation, and
every attack has come by sea. The only exception being 1973, when
Israeli forces temporarily crossed the Suez Canal into Africa,
after Egypt’s successful offensive which led to a significant
victory and the regaining of territory lost in 1967.
Look at a chart. Almost all of the key landmarks along our coasts
were named by Portuguese explorers – Cape Bon, Cape Verde,
Cape Agulhas, Cape Guardafui – and by other European sailors
and traders. While they were exploring our coasts, we sat ashore
helpless, and finally were colonised.
The challenge to us is to develop our maritime power, our naval
power, to a level where this continent will no longer be an easy
target.
That does not mean building massive navies. It does mean developing
the maritime and naval strength to control our waters, to protect
our maritime assets and interests, and to discourage adventures by
foreign actors, be they states or non-state groups such as
international terrorists, narcotics smugglers, illegal immigration
or mercenaries.
It does also not mean doing it all ourselves. We cannot do that.
Africa does not have the resources for that. We need to do this in
partnership and co-operation with each other, and in partnership
with our friends in other parts of the world
Maritime and naval power is, if anything, even more important today
than in the past:
* Africa today depends heavily on seaborne trade;
* Our offshore oil and gas are increasingly important resources,
both for us and for the industrialised world;
* Much of the world’s oil and other cargo moves along our
coasts, through the Red Sea and the Suez Canal, along the
Mozambique Channel, around the Cape of Good Hope, or through the
Straits of Gibralter; and
* African fishing grounds are important sources of protein for many
countries in other parts of the world.
We must also note the potential for terrorist groups to use the
sea. We have already seen the attacks on the USS Cole and a French
tanker in the Gulf region, and we know that some of these groups
have used ships to move supplies and personnel. The step from there
to using ships to transport bombs or, indeed, as bombs, is not such
a great one.
Africa is not immune to this problem. There have already been
terrorist attacks on our continent. We need only think of the
bombing of the United States embassies in Dar es Salaam and
Nairobi, the attempt to shoot down an Israeli airliner at Mombasa,
following a fatal attack on a tourist resort there, a prolonged
terrorist onslaught in Algeria in the 1990s, and the attacks on
tourists in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco. There are groups in Africa
that claim to be part of Al Qaeda and other structures. And here in
Southern Africa they have been discovered seeking refuge and quite
possibly attempting to set up networks. Only alert security forces
with community support and international cooperation can halt them
and disrupt their criminal intentions. Although I wish to state,
there has been much sensationalism about these links in the media
and we must avoid stereotyping of communities and belief
systems.
There is nothing to stop terrorists attacking a maritime target in
Africa, along our busy sea lanes or in our harbours. We must
minimise the risk.
Africa must also move swiftly to deal with the problem of piracy,
before it reaches levels that make Africa’s ports
unattractive destinations. While this used to be a problem
restricted to the Gulf of Guinea, pirate attacks are not common off
Somalia and this scourge has moved south along both coasts in
recent years. The growth of the offshore oil and gas industry will
present a whole new set of lucrative targets to these criminals,
and of course also to terrorist groups.
It is sadly true that Africa still suffers from intra-state
conflict and a range of related security problems. The current
crises in Cote d’Ivoire, in the east of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and the Darfur region of Sudan are just the
obvious examples.
If the New Partnership for Africa’s Development is to achieve
its aims, Africa must move to deal with this insecurity and
instability. Already in 2001 President Mbeki said at the World
Economic Forum in Davos that without “peace, security and
stability, and democratic governance … it would be
impossible to engage in meaningful economic activity”. Or, as
my colleague Minister Lekota has put it, “there will be no
development without security”.
It is for that reason that the African Union has established the
Peace and Security Council, the Early Warning System and the
African Standby Force. Africa intends to demonstrate its
willingness and ability to help itself to the extent that its means
allow.
Many of the countries that are vulnerable to conflict are coastal
states, and some are among our island states. There is, therefore,
a clear need for the naval capacity to participate effectively in
peace support operations, as our colleagues from Nigeria and Ghana,
for example, have already demonstrated during the ECOMOG operations
in West Africa.
Navies are key elements for transporting forces, conducting
littoral surveillance and reconnaissance, and supporting ground
forces in coastal areas.
Let us not forget the Great Lakes region. It has seen some of
Africa’s worst conflicts and is still far from stable.
Notably, it is characterised by those vast bodies of inland water
that serve as a source of fish; a means of communication and as
international borders in a tense and unstable region. Those inland
seas must be patrolled and protected, and their size suggests that
this is a maritime matter - even if the water is not salty and
there are crocodiles among the fish.
I hope that these comments have illustrated the importance of
meeting the maritime challenge – and that not only the navies
of Africa will take note, but particularly their governments and
people and international agencies.
The key issue, of course, is capacity. Africa’s states are
not rich, and they all have many urgent demands on the available
funds. There is not much money to spend on our navies and coast
guards.
Unfortunately conflict, terrorism and crime will not take pity on
Africa, go elsewhere and leave us in peace. Far from it, conflict
and crime obey the most basic law of nature and move to fill any
vacuum.
If we do not want to go on being the victim, living at the whim of
others who have the power to come here and act in their interests
regardless of ours, we will have to find a way to develop the
capacity to deter or at least discourage them.
Therefore it is of crucial importance that Africa develops its
maritime and naval power, building on the basis of the forces
available today.
We can do much even within our limited resources, if we:
* Co-operate with each other more closely, ensure that our forces
are fully interoperable, co-ordinate our operations, assist each
other with training and logistic support.
* Learn from each other. Each and every African navy has something
to teach the others, if only regarding its coast and what happens
in its littoral area of responsibility.
* Draw in all our forces, not just the navies and coast guards. Our
air forces, armies, police forces, customs and immigration,
fisheries department and port authorities, also have important
roles to play.
* Develop direct communications channels for prompt dissemination
of information and intelligence, and for quick transmission of any
requests for assistance or support.
* Develop contingency plans to deal with security threats and
natural and man-made disasters.
* Work with our international friends and partners and welcome
their support in improving our maritime security.
Looking to the future, the navies of Africa might also consider
combining some of their ship requirements to standardise on a
particular type for a particular role. That would go a considerable
way to reduce acquisition, training and support costs.
In drawing towards a close, allow me to also conduct a little
marketing for my own field of endeavour.
Even if we all work together optimally to develop our maritime and
naval power, our capacity will still be small when compared to the
length of our coasts and the size of our Exclusive Economic Zones:
Africa south of the Sahara (by way of example) has a coastline of
some 18 180 km; and a collective EEZ of some 6.73 million km2. That
is an enormous area for small navies with, mainly, small ships and
very few patrol aircraft.
Therefore it is vital that we share intelligence, and that we
co-ordinate our surveillance and reconnaissance activities. No
force is effective if it does not know what is going on around it.
A small force is utterly dependent on good and timely
intelligence.
Within Africa’s intelligence community we have made a start.
We have recently established an association of African intelligence
services, and recently held an inaugural meeting of the Committee
of Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA) in Lybia.
We will build on this and on the new African Early Warning System
with its headquarters in Addis Ababa and its five regional Early
Warning Centres.
The navies and coast guards of Africa can be key contributors to
this process of building our overall intelligence picture and
ensuring that it is kept current. It is in your interest to do so,
as it will make your operations more effective.
Finally, in closing, I would like to stress that South Africa is
willing and keen to play its part.
The South African Navy, established as long ago as 1922, will be
there to support the other navies of Africa, to complement your
capabilities with our new patrol corvettes and submarines, and to
supplement your capabilities with both larger and smaller ships
when that is needed. Our future fleet planning will take into
consideration what capabilities we will need to be best able to
operate with our neighbours to achieve our common goals.
We are not just your neighbours. We are also your partners in
developing our continent and ensuring its security and its
future.
I wish you well in your deliberations, and look forward to enhanced
co-operation among our navies.
Thank you.
Issued by: Ministry for Intelligence Services
29 August 2005