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Die proses van die aanstelling van die raadslede van die SABC-Raad het die tekortkominge van die grondwet as ‘n instrument wat ‘n komplekse samelewing moet reguleer, onderstreep.

Having regard to the process of selecting the SABC Board members, the following facts have again been confirmed:

1. The Constitution allows the majority party to control the selection process and thus all appointments to be made.

2. From this flow further consequences, for instance, the appointment of whoever the majority party wishes, irrespective of skills, orientation and representation.

3. The further consequence of the absence of a constitutional check on the powers of the majority party is the creation of a dispensation whereby opposition parties can only influence and make appointments by grace of the ANC. This brings to the fore the spectre of the ‘tyranny of the majority'. In this case the ANC allowed the opposition parties to place four candidates on the SABC board-list. This was a gesture of goodwill and nothing else. Not to discount that gesture, but goodwill alone is not sufficient in a modern multicultural state. Constitutional norms are also an imperative.

4. What we have here is an overshoot of power by one entity, namely the majority party, that disallows democratic space for Afrikaners and minorities within the current constitutional system due to a constitutional vacuum. The pure weight of this power is unsustainable because it can not be carried by our diverse societal environment. The current entropy of the societal system - of which the SABC is an important part - is being hastened by the lack of service delivery ironically brought about by systemic discrimination against Afrikaners and other minorities who has the requisite skills and experience to solve the service delivery conundrum in the SABC, and more importantly, in the municipalities across the country as well as in the various provincial and national departments. An example of the sense of despondency that has gripped minorities, especially Afrikaner men who have been declared constitutional outlaws and lesser-than-citizens, is appropriately illustrated by the following letter that appeared in the Beeld newspaper of 15 October 2009. It was written by N.M. Prinsloo from Montana, Pretoria in response to the tragic killing of Captain Charl Scheepers last week. I quote the following extract in Afrikaans:

"Volgens kapt. Scheepers se broer was hy al 39 jaar oud en is hy die laaste keer in 1995 bevorder. Veertien jaar gelede? Volgens alles wat almal oor kapt. Scheepers se vermoë en diensgehalte getuig het, moes hy in 2009 ten minste die rang van superintendent volgens meriete gehad het.

Toe onthou ek die magteloosheid van veral wit manspolisiebeamptes nadat die SAPD se regstellende aksie-teikens vir 2010 bekend geword het.

Hoeveel polisielede bevind hulle tans in dieselfde mynveld?

Waarvoor het kapt. Scheepers werklik gesterf?"

President Zuma, minorities are asking what they are living for and what they are dying for in this country? If systemic discrimination continues unabated, social cohesion will start to unravel due to the loss of skills on the one hand and loyalty on the other.

5. Die aanstelling van die SABC-Raad is ook gedoen sonder om werklik ‘n premie te plaas op verteenwoordiging van al Suid-Afrika se gemeenskappe. So het die Afrikaanse gemeenskap geen werklike kampioen op die SABC-Raad nie. Daar was weliswaar ‘n vergunning van die ANC om ‘n baie bevoegde Afrikaanse persoon aan te stel, te wete doktor Danny Titus vir wie ek baie respek het, maar van die ander opposisiepartye het die geleentheid tot sy aanstelling verbrou en sodoende is ‘n vyfde posisie vir die opposisie op die lys verbeur. Die punt is egter dat die Grondwet ironies toelaat dat die ANC sy kaders oral kan ontplooi, maar nie noodwendig dat alle gemeenskappe behoorlike verteenwoordiging verkry nie.

Die gevolgtrekkings te make vanuit hierdie proses kan as volg opgesom word:

· Suid-Afrika se grondwet is wesenlik defektief. Dit kan herlei word na die onderhandelinge van 1994 wat geboorte gegee het aan die huidige grondwet. Die onderhandelinge self was wesenlik gebrekkig aangesien die onderhandelaars van die Nasionale Party effektief uitoorlê is deur die ANC se bewese onderhandelaars. Daarom is daar geboorte gegee aan ‘n gebrekkige grondwet wat al die magsoorheersing toelaat soos hierin uiteengesit. Daarom is ons nou op soek na ‘n ware beter dispensasie waar ‘n ewewig heers tussen minderhede en die meerderheid, nie op grond van gunste nie, maar as ‘n uitvloeisel van grondwetlike imperatief.

· Daarom, terwyl ek en my kollegas in die Vryheidsfront Plus gebruik sal maak van die instrumente in die huidige grondwet, sal ons in voortdurende stryd met die ANC verkeer om die grondwet te verbeter. Om bloot die huidige grondwet te beskerm sonder ‘n plan vir die toekoms, sonder om die gebreke daarin aan te vul, is die domein van ‘n uitsiglose opposisieparty waarvan sommige tans in die parlement sit. En u weet wie u is. Die Vryheidsfront Plus se visie is daarenteen polities en staatkundig progressief en toekomsgeoriënteerd. In French it can be translated as having "prévoyance", translated as ‘having foresight'. I can not truly elaborate on this in the time allocated to me, but you will find the reasoning for this principle in my printed submission.

In summary then, if we had proper constitutionally enshrined cultural and minority safeguards, Dr. Titus would have been on the SABC Board today. We would have had a permanent government of national unity with executive positions reserved for minorities. We would have had a workforce where experienced Afrikaners and other minorities would not have had to beg for work, but would contribute to South Africa's welfare through effective service delivery and economic growth. We would have had a better and safer South Africa. We can still do it. Maar dit hang af van u eie vermoë tot insig in die toekoms en die beplanning daarvoor.

Ek dank u.