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The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) guides the struggles and programmes
of the entire National Liberation Movement as led by the African National
Congress. There might be various contested questions about the character of
the NDR, yet the following features are objectively true. First is the fact
that the NDR seeks to create a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and
prosperous South Africa. Second is the NDR's resolute determination to
resolve the national, gender and class contradictions without emphasising
one component over the other. Thirdly is the reality that to achieve the
envisaged society and resolve these contradictions, the NDR should
emancipate the black majority and Africans in particular. Failure to
acknowledge and appreciate these features of the NDR and their historical
location has potential to retard the true character of the National
Liberation Movement and divert it from achieving the aims of the NDR.

In almost all its articulations, programmes and campaigns, the ANC YL has
sought to ensure that all the component features of the NDR are adequately
resolved and given the necessary practical meaning. We take this approach
because we believe that the NDR and attainment of its objectives should not
be empty rhetoric, but a practical programme pursued by the revolutionary
forces. Our recent pronouncement on the representation of Africans in key
and strategic economic transformation positions in both the State and
corporate sector does not entail whatsoever that we have betrayed the
struggles to build a non-racial society and retain the wealth of the land to
the ownership of the people as a whole. There has somewhat been various
overcharged responses to our pronouncement, because in South Africa, race
and race relations continue to be very sensitive issues. This unfortunately
is a result of the injustices of the past and contributing to the
uncertainty which some have about our call for the representation of
Africans in key and strategic economic transformation positions, i.e.
Finance, Economic Development, Planning, Public Enterprises, Trade &
Industry, Reserve Bank and all leading corporate such as Anglo-American.

This article will provide a deeper and less emotionally charged discussion
on Africans being represented in key and strategic sectors of the economy.
To achieve that, we should begin by dismissing certain myths, lies and
stereotypes attached to the call for a balanced representation of all races
in key and strategic economic positions. The first myth to dismiss with
contempt is the supposition peddled by some in and outside the Movement that
the ANC YL's views are sponsored by some few black business people or
politicians who envy key and strategic economic transformation positions.
This myth should be dismissed with contempt because those who peddle it are
forever misleading themselves that all articulations of the ANC YL are
sponsored by some self-seeking black business people and politicians. This
characterisation should be strongly rejected because those who peddle it
believe that Africans in the ANC YL are not able to think and come with new
positions, unless they are promised patronage elsewhere.

The second myth to dismiss is that the ANC YL leadership is trapped in some
narrow Africanist chauvinism. Labelling genuine and honest debates has never
been a sustainable way of handling issues that relate to social
transformation, and those who do so should know better that such form of
engagement was recently buried in the movement in favour of open, robust and
frank discussions. Thirdly, we should dismiss the myth that our call for an
open discussion around the issue of Africans in key and strategic economic
positions amounts to a vote of no confidence on the incumbents. The ANC YL
is amongst the first to affirm its unwavering confidence on the cabinet
appointed by President Jacob Zuma, and we have not retracted that statement.
Our call for representation of Africans in key and strategic positions was
actually made in the context of affirming our unwavering support to the
recently appointed Reserve Bank Governor, Gill Marcus, who is more than
suitable for the responsibility.

In Morogoro in 1969, the ANC adopted a Strategy & tactics which amongst
other things says that "the main content of the present stage of the South
African revolution is the national liberation of the largest and most
oppressed group - the African people. This strategic aim must govern every
aspect of the conduct of our struggle whether it be the formulation of
policy or the creation of structures". The essence of this observation
remains true in the current conjecture and any view that seek to suggest
that race (and racial representation in strategic sectors) in South Africa
does not matter, and choose instead to label those who genuinely raise the
issue, is simply dishonest. While greater progress has been made in
democratising South African society, the race/class realities have not
fundamentally shifted, i.e. the white minorities continue to dominate the
South African economy, with resilience to adapt to the new political
situation and its transformative intentions, and the black majority remain
poor.

The extent at which race is an issue goes to the level of perceptions and
misperceptions of transformation of various sectors of South African
society. Institutions and sectors that are perceived to be untransformed
continue to be objectively those that have no or very few blacks, Africans
in particular and women in their leadership collectives. South Africa's
redress and equity legislations, charters and guidelines are based on the
recognition that black people and Africans in particular should occupy
strategic positions in the management of society and the economy. There are
many Black Empowerment legislations and charters, and what is wrong with
emphasising African emancipation and empowerment like the NDR does? Why is
it that when the ANC YL argue that in the future the ANC should handle the
issue of appointment to key and strategic positions differently, some find
the convenience of labelling us, sadly without substantive arguments to
justify their observations?

Our observation that currently, the key and strategic economic
transformation positions in both government and private sector are occupied
by people who are non-Africans is not blind to the fact that these are
capable, diligent and committed cadres of the movement who will fulfil their
responsibilities with excellence. This does not entail whatsoever that the
ANC YL is opposed to non-racialism, nor suggests that we are trapped in
narrow Africanist chauvinism. In Polokwane, the African National Congress
adopted a strategy and tactics, which amongst other things read,

"To the extent that the socio-economic legacy of apartheid continues to
manifest in national terms, to that extent are Africans in particular and
Blacks in general the motive forces of the NDR. Profound self-interest
impels them to act in the collective interest to realise the strategic
objectives of the NDR. They are the drivers of reconstruction and
development. As in the past when they rose above the politics of race
hatred, these communities do carry the responsibility of leading the process
of nation-building and reconciliation too. Critical for them to play this
role is the defence and consolidation of unity across ethnic and racial
divides, to fight racism and tribalism whenever and wherever they rear their
ugly head".

The observation in the Strategy and Tactics is vital and should certainly
not be given mechanical interpretation. Avoiding a mechanical interpretation
of what the Strategy and Tactics (2007) say should however not lead to
blindness in dealing with the democratisation of the economy and entire
society. Unfortunately, a notion institutionalised by apartheid, that
Africans are incapable to fulfil certain responsibilities continues to
characterise not only South Africa, but the entire world. In all our actions
as a revolutionary movement, we have a responsibility to transform society
and practically teach youth in particular that Africans can perform all
tasks and responsibilities given to them. Apartheid institutionalised racism
through exclusion of blacks and Africans in particular from important and
strategic responsibilities in society (Africans considered to be hewers of
wood and drawers of water), and the ANC's reconstitution and configuration
of key and strategic positions in the State and economy should not
whatsoever seek to suggest that Africans cannot perform certain,
particularly economic responsibilities.

The mistake we should never make in transforming society is to confuse
non-racialism with blindness to South Africa's racial realities, because the
NDR is not blind to these realities. Failure to recognise these realities
could lead to misapplication of process to redress the injustices of the
past. Failure to acknowledge South Africa's racial realities is also a
failure to understand the complex relationship between race/ethnicity and
consciousness. These are realities which any honest revolutionary movement
should constantly analyse and proposition the best suited interventions for
durable solutions. Now, the ANC YL, which is a revolutionary, militant and
fearless youth wing of the ANC, has every right to raise these issues openly
because these constitute the future. Being silent about such a vital issue
of race relations and representation post apartheid will not assist us to
properly contextualise non-racialism and its practical meaning in South
Africa. We should in doing this avoid both extremes, with the one extreme
suggesting that race completely does not matter on the outlook of government
and the other that suggests that racial representation should only be
reduced to bean counting without real transformation of the State, property
relations and corporate sector.

There is no doubt that all people classified as non-white suffered
oppression and exclusion, and our redress policies acknowledge the possible
reality that also white women did suffer institutionalised exclusion under
apartheid. Whilst apartheid's institutionalised patriarchy barred white
women from performing certain functions and attaining certain privileges
within the racially, class and gender oppressive State, black women suffered
triple oppression as a class, racial group and on gender basis. Certainly,
African people, particularly women in factory floors and workplaces suffered
the most oppression under apartheid.

This does not entail whatsoever that other groups, such as Coloureds, White
Women, people of Asian origins, including the Chinese were not politically
and economically excluded from mainstream South African society. What
certainly varied is the extent and degree of oppression, suppression and
exclusion in all facets of South African apartheid controlled society. So
the extent and degree of mechanisms to undo these realities cannot and
should not be standard and mechanisms to erase the misperceptions created by
apartheid should include giving Africans key and strategic responsibilities
in the economy. The emphasis in the NDR that it should politically,
economically and socially emancipate the black majority and *Africans in
particular* is recognition that the degree of suppression, exclusion and
exploitation under colonial and apartheid domination was dissimilar.

If the empowerment regime has to continue, there really should be a correct
recognition of the injustices of the past and how they impacted on various
communities. This should be reflected in all streams of government, the
corporate sector and entire society. Government should provide practical
leadership in its outlook and give confidence to others that Africans are
capable of leading key and strategic sectors as demonstrated in the first 15
years of democracy. The discomfort of the so called markets and investors on
appointment of Africans into key and strategic positions should be dealt
with sooner than later. Why for instance, did we have to persuade these
markets and investors that President Jacob Zuma will not drive them to the
sea, by saying lots of things, including an assertion that we will not
change economic policies? It can never be correct that we wittingly or
unwittingly contribute to a racist misperception and discomfort of markets
whenever Africans have to ascend to strategic positions.

Now, all these issues we are raising are not intended to propose and
influence a cabinet reshuffle. We are raising these issues because we
believe that in the future, there should be a considerate integration of
Africans into key and strategic positions in all spheres-this is key to both
the redress and nation building efforts of the progressive forces. Our call
for a balanced outlook of key and strategic economic cluster appointments
does not postpone our determination to influence a fundamental
transformation of the economy, including our call for nationalisation of
Mines. We believe that those who intend to engage with us should do so in an
open and instructive manner because we are youth and would not intend to
degenerate a discussion through name calling and labelling. We remain true
to the struggle for non-racialism and nation building, and not convinced
that the inclusion of Africans in key and strategic economic positions
undermines the principle of non-racialism. Aluta Continua!