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In understanding the relevance of the Strategy and Tactics document of the
African National Congress, one need not just trace the conception of the
strategy and tactics since Morogoro in 1969 up to Polokwane in 2007, but
also to trace the evolution of South African society over the past hundreds
of thousands of years.

More particularly, one has to understand the historically defining epochs
that have shaped our nationhood, such as the migratory behavior of our
people, the evolution of various tribes, their confrontation and subjugation
by colonial forces, their enslavement and oppression, as well as their
struggle for freedom, equality, democracy and prosperity for all. These are
some of the highlights that have profoundly defined our nationhood over
time.

What is important also to note, is that it is in this early definition of
South Africa's society that the battle lines as defined in the Strategy and
Tactics were conceived. That is why the Strategy and Tactics traces the
origin of South Africa's nationhood back to hundreds of thousands of years,
so as to shed light on the reasons for the objectives that our nation
continues to strive for.

The Strategy and Tactics aims to give an in-depth ideologically-based
analysis of the disjuncture between the historical and current phase of
struggle on the one hand, and the ideal of a future South Africa that we
seek to build on the other. In bridging this historic disjuncture, the ANC
remains at the centre of the National Democratic Revolution, the
significance of which amongst others is to unite our people in the long and
protracted struggle to make real our common vision as a diverse people. In
the latest edition of the Strategy and Tactics adopted in Polokwane in 2007,
the principal long-term vision is referred to as the "National Democratic
Society".

The Strategy and Tactics also aims to give practical meaning of what needs
to be done, and how, in order to usher in the dispensation as envisioned by
the Strategy and Tactics itself. For this reason, the Strategy and Tactics
is a broad vision of our transformation agenda, citing opportunities and
threats, possibilities and limitations, as well as the responsibilities by
our movement, our government and the people at large in order to build a
South Africa consistent with the ideals of democracy, equality,
non-discrimination on the basis of race, gender, ethnicity and class.

Amidst these and related values, the Strategy and Tactics envisions a
prosperous society where the wellbeing of our people is enhanced by the
collective and individual contributions of all our people without
discrimination.

Confronting the challenges of oppression

The conceptualisation and adoption of the Strategy and Tactics in 1969 was a
culmination of an array of efforts, organisationally and theoretically, to
confront the challenges of oppression in South Africa. Many strides had been
made in organisationally positioning the ANC to be at the centre of popular
mass mobilisation against apartheid. The Defiance Campaign, the adoption of
the Freedom Charter and the adoption of the armed struggle are amongst
things that could be counted in this regard.

But the movement had as yet to clarify on what was to be done, and how, in
order to unite our diverse people in achieving the broad vision that the
Freedom Charter speaks to. The adoption of the Strategy and Tactics was
preceded by a crisis that had emerged in the ANC. Chris Hani and a group of
other fellow combatants felt that there was no strategy or tactics to cross
over Zimbabwe into South Africa before the Wankie and Spolile Campaigns,
leading to casualties of many MK combatants.

As a result, Chris Hani wrote a memo complaining to the ANC leadership about
the lack of decisive leadership in the aftermath of the Wankie and Spolile
campaigns, and this precipitated criticism by some in the ANC leadership,
saying this was tantamount to mutiny by the MK combatants. However, it was
consequently resolved that there must be a Consultative Conference to deal
with the issues raised by the MK combatants and the difficult road to the
historic Morogoro National Conference begun.

Therefore the Morogoro National Conference in general and the Strategy and
Tactics in particular, were a reflection of an organisation wrestling with
primarily internal political matters of tactics, in order to further the
strategic objectives of the struggle as a whole. Amongst the leading
architects of the Strategy and Tactics were Joe Mathews, Joe Slovo and Duma
Nokwe. The Morogoro Conference resulted amongst others in the creation of
the Revolutionary Council, headed by the ANC President Oliver Tambo, and
included Yusof Dadoo, Reggie September and Joe Slovo. The significance of
the Revolutionary Council is that it did not only help define the ANC-led
alliance, but also entrenched our non-racial character in the struggle for a
free and democratic South Africa.

What we are continuously seized with as a ruling party and as society at
large, is to further engage on what need to be done, and how, in order to
further the aims and objectives as highlighted in the Strategy and Tactics
document.

Motive forces for change

In our analysis of the strategy and tactics, we speak of the motive forces
for change. With equal vigour, we also speak of the forces that stand
opposed to change because they believe exclusive priviledges of access to
wealth and related amenities guarantee their own wellbeing going into the
future. We need not take lightly this ideological antagonism between the
motive forces for change on the one hand, and the intransigent forces that
seek to preserve the status quo, on the other, because this is where we must
start when dealing with the relevance of the Strategy and Tactics.

In this regard, the 1969 Strategy and Tactics document succinctly gives
expression to the definition of the motive forces for change: "In essence, a
revolutionary policy is one which holds the quickest and most fundamental
transformation and transfer of power from one class to another. In real life
such radical changes are brought about not by imaginary forces but by those
whose outlook and readiness to act is very much influenced by historically
determined factors"

This ideological antagonism explains why certain political forces seek to
put brakes on our transformation agenda at various levels throughout the
country. In most cases, these forces disguise their objection to change by
pretending to be advocates of the same values we seek to enact such as
freedom, democracy, pluralism, security etc, when in fact in the real sense
of application they seek to ensure exclusivity. This is the main difference
between the movement of our people, led by the African National Congress,
and other political parties. While we seek to ensure that all our people
have access to the same rights and what historically has been the
priviledges of the few, others seek to enact the same values only to a
select few, often defined by race, gender, geographical location and class.

A better life for all

Therefore, the challenges facing the ANC are the massification of
qualitative development, so that it covers everyone in South Africa. That is
why in our development policies, on issues such as education, health care,
security, justice, economy, youth and women empowerment, rural development;
we seek to cover all our people without exception. Again, even on such
issues, the ideological antagonisms show, because the same issues are
emphasized by the political opposition, but without reference to how each
and every person can have access to such developmental issues.

As a result, in Polokwane we resolved on ensuring that education up to
junior degree level is made free. This would not just help us to have more
skilled personnel for economic growth, but would also help us break the
vicious cycle of poverty occasioned by apartheid.

On issues of health, in Polokwane we resolved on the implementation of a
National Health Insurance scheme (NHI). Again this will not just help us to
have a healthier nation, but would also help resolve the question of the
people for so long put on the fringes of death by a health system that
encouraged better health care for the rich and poor health care for the poor
masses.

On issues of security, we resolved that communities must work closely with
police stations through the platforms of Community Safety Forums, replacing
the Community Policing Forums, as a way of comprehensively dealing with the
various issues of safety facing our people.

On issues of women empowerment, we have taken cognisance of the urban
migratory behavior of our people, resulting amongst others, to helpless
women in rural areas with the burden to take care of children alone. That is
why rural development featured highly in our Manifesto. In addition, the
creation of the Ministry responsible amongst others of women as vulnerable
groups also aims to resolve the issues of gender disparities. This would
complement the work already done by the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE).
Representation in political and government spheres was amplified in
Polokwane through the adoption of the principle of 50% representation by
women in all our structures. The battle is on to make this also a reality in
government and there are some resistances because some idealise an all-male
Cabinet in the government spheres where they win political power.

On issues of justice, we continue to work hard to ensure the building of
courts closer to the people. We have designated certain magistrates courts
as Equality Courts, because we believe that equality, or the lack of it, is
one of the main defining lines of where we are as contrasted to where the
Strategy and Tactics document envisions us to be.

On the issues of the economy, we have implemented various legislative
frameworks aimed at ensuring parity across race and gender, in the
employment of our people across all levels of employment. Even today,
Affirmative Action in the work place and Black Economic Empowerment in
general are still swearing words amongst some in the political opposition.

We could go on and on, citing examples of the things we have done and that
we continue to do to ensure that the values enshrined in the constitution,
and elaborated in the Strategy and Tactics, find practical meaning in our
development programmes. We can also cite the antagonisms synonymous with the
implementation of these same objectives because of the vested political
interest by those who seek to preserve the status quo.

Even within the ANC-led Alliance, there are sharp differences in the
conceptualisation of the "ideal South Africa". This is more so because the
ANC is a broad organisation encapsulating communists, workers, capitalists,
the middle class, the youth, women, and people living with disabilities,
those leaving in rural areas and those living in urban areas. Often the
case, these streams of social and political orientation would argue to
galvanize what sectorally serves them, while some would seek an overarching
perspective on how we, as a nation, must move forward amid