A distinctive feature of Sudan and Algeria’s regime change protests calling for an end to injustice, inequity, high unemployment, insufficient housing and health care, epidemic corruption, government repression, unaccountability and unresponsiveness has been the role of the collective outrage and dissatisfaction of the marginalised, discriminated, subjugated, and oppressed urban populations to mass mobilise themselves in political defiance.
What effect will these anti-regime protests have on democracy for the rest of Africa in 2019 and beyond? Also, to what extent will they incite the hopes of oppressed populations in countries under authoritarian rule to rally in the streets? Moreover, will they serve as a trigger and driver like the Arab Spring for regime change protests in African countries with the longest-serving leaders such as Uganda, Equatorial Guinea, Congo-Brazzaville and Cameroon?
The ongoing regime change protests in Algeria (16 February 2019 – present), which led to president Bouteflika’s resignation demonstrate how defiant and mobilized citizens are beginning to play a crucial role in toppling tyrants and authoritarian elites in Africa. Similarly, Sudan’s ongoing regime change protests (19 December – present) which led to Omar al-Bashir’s ousting and imprisonment illustrate that urban populations are re-defining democracy on the continent. Nonetheless, a point often overlooked by mainstream media is that the envisioned outcomes and objectives of these protest oftentimes do not pave the way for regime change: concrete economic and political reforms as well as the subsequent building of institutions and practices that sustain democracy.
The authoritarian political elites rebrand and reorganise themselves as “born-again” democrats that embrace democratic values while continuing to foster repression and control camouflaged/masked/disguised as political and economic reforms. In 2000, Said Adejumobi articulated it very eloquently, even though it is still relevant to the African political landscape after 19 years:
“After about a decade in which the process of political renewal began in Africa, the democratic project appears to be in crisis in most African states. There seems to be a gradual, but dangerous reinstitutionalisation of autocratic and authoritarian regimes clad in democratic garb. In some cases, yesterday's despots and military tyrants have resurfaced as today's “born-again” democrats to re-establish or perpetuate their rule, while in others, a new genre of budding autocrats”
Thus, the renewed Algerian and Sudanese protests, irrespective of presidents Bouteflika and Bashir relinquishing power demonstrate a paradigm shift after 19 years that unless their close allies resign these two democratic events will not necessarily translate to the annihilation of the National Liberation Front and National Congress Party’s authoritarian legacies and rule which are deeply entrenched in Algeria and Sudan respectively.
Regime change protests constitute perhaps the most significant element in the conception of strengthening democratic institutions and practices. However, post protests, citizens tend to retreat from the streets to their homes and continue with their everyday professional-related activities, army personnel retreats to the barracks, and the incumbent regime as well as a few army elites appear to re-negotiate power and give the populace and international community the impression they are embodying change and willing to address the needs of the population.
The people naively celebrate this democratic event which is marked by the tyrant relinquishing his presidential powers. This is one of the reasons why a number of these protests do not necessarily produce the intended objectives: concrete democratic reforms. The populace is too focused on the supposedly corrupt, evil, ageing, incompetent, and inefficient tyrant, in this case: Bouteflika and Bashir. However, behind the scenes, the authoritarian elites from the incumbent regime try to rebrand their authoritarianism by promising political transition. Authoritarian parties such as the National Congress Party and People's Democratic Republic of Algeria like all other authoritarian revolutionary political parties will always find ways to re-model, re-brand, re-organise themselves as championing democracy while behind the scenes exerting their control over the nation’s political and economic life. This is why these parties are so resilient in Africa.
For the past two decades in Africa enlightened citizens have been underestimating how revolutionary authoritarian regimes such as National Congress Party can be democratically imaginative. Cosmetic democratisation is something that many African regimes in liberation garb have extensive, first-hand knowledge of. They will unrepentantly rebrand authoritarianism and more importantly, engineer it in such a way that it appears as a new dawn of constitutionalism, human rights values, political tolerance and participation. Now, Algerians and Sudanese protesters are showing an understanding from citizens that the structural hegemony of a regime cannot be demolished in the streets, by non-violent demonstrations, and revolutionary songs.
Political parties, civil society organisations, and technocrats should oversee the transition process from authoritarianism to democracy as opposed to military elites and the key political leaders from the incumbent regime. And this is the truth, because these people will not pave the way for democratic reforms. These protests should serve as both a lesson and an inspiration for any future protest that will take place in Africa, in 2019 and beyond. These protests are demonstrating that there is a need to shift from anti-regime protests as an act of democratic transitioning window dressing that leaves important stakeholders without the opportunity to participate in the process.
One of the continent’s major concerns is how can people and democratic institutions ‘prevent’ and ‘eliminate’ dictatorships? This has been fostered in part because of the collective conviction that the people should not be subjugated and annihilated by such regimes. In order to begin the process of preventing these regimes there is a need to understand that transition should be championed and supervised by civilians.
Michael Khorommbi is a researcher on regional integration and peace building in Africa. He is also a part-time lecturer in history at St Augustine College of South Africa. He also writes articles (in his own personal capacity) for the Daily Maverick. He is currently studying for a Master of Science in Governance and Regional Integration at the Pan-African University Institute for Governance, Humanities and Social Sciences, hosted within University of Yaoundé II, Soa, Cameroon.