UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND, JOHANNESBURG, 5 JUNE 2000
Chairperson
Your Excellencies,
Members of the Diplomatic Corps
Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen
I am grateful to the South African Institute of International Affairs for this kind invitation to address you tonight.
This and other similar fora provide a critical platform for the exchange of views as we search for answers to the intricate challenges that we confront in today's ever changing world. An important part of that search is an environment in which varied and opposing views can be freely canvassed, this institute helps fulfill that important role.
You will no doubt agree with me that the momentous political transformation and the attendant social and economic development that South Africa has experienced since 1994, has enabled us not only to occupy a special place in the family of nations, but has also made us a model for peace, stability and development. I mention these virtues because they constitute an important element of our foreign policy.
Foreign Policy Challenges
A new wave in economic development is with us. It is driven by the integration of the economies of the world through globalization processes, which are accelerated by information technology. It is yet another round of Africa's marginalization. The consequences of this marginalisation coupled with Africa's under-development are well known. Africa must refuse to occupy the periphery, she must demand her place at the center and assert her right to be heard and taken more seriously than hitherto. The African Renaissance is a vision that is shared by successive generations of our continent's leaders. Our leaders of today have a unique opportunity to make it a reality. They must ignore the prophets of doom and defy the often-gloomy predictions of passive observers and take the mantle of leadership to see us to the destiny of our dreams. An Africa characterized by prosperity and socio-economic progress, free from poverty, hunger and disease, enjoying peace and stability, her people able to contribute to her development because they are free to express themselves with full rights to determine the destiny of their own countries, is what we should aspire for.
This is a foreign policy pre-occupation that is imposed on the leadership of today's Africa by the imperatives of the current socio-economic and political conjuncture. Our woes as a continent derive from the disadvantageous structural relations that we have with the rest of the world. Without doubt globalization has had an adverse effect on our continent. Several doses of structural adjustment programmes prescribed by the international financial institutions have not always produced the desired results, indeed in some cases these measures have had disastrous side effects.
To address these, a coherent common continental agenda is required in order for Africa to rise. This agenda must, among other things include the following aspects; economic and social development, stability, security and co-operation. INdeed evidence shows that various parts of this agenda play themselves out in the continent.
Economic Development
It is imperative that we create a platform through which collective continental policy formulation is developed in order to realise a common economic agenda with a view to restructure and regenerate African economies is imperative. The Abuja Treaty provides an important framework on which to build in pursuit of this objective. Such a platform should enable us to influence the economic agenda in pursuit of continental challenges rather than react to those of the external actors. This makes it all the more important that we consolidate and ensure the successful functioning of the regional economic blocs.
These policies and programmes should ensure that among other things we increase Africa's global market share. Simultaneously, we must jealously guard against the persistent use of the continent to dump goods in a manner that undermines our economies. Consequently this must inform, as it does, our interventions in such fora as the WTO. The review of the Lome Convention must be under-pinned by these considerations. It will be naive to assume that we will have an easy ride in this regard. The South Africa/EU negotiations have some telling lessons. However, the recent passage of the Africa Growth Opportunity Act by the US Congress, thanks to that country's President, is a positive example of what is possible, which other developed countries should be encouraged to follow.
There can be no doubt that the developmental challenges facing our continent require a major transfer of resources from the developed world into Africa. Such resources must be targeted at the development of the requisite infrastructure, poverty alleviation and other economic development programs that are likely to provide a stimulus to the economic regeneration of Africa.
The position of Africa as the exporter of primary goods is a legacy of our colonial past. Our confinement to this role represents a disadvantageous integration of the continent in the global economy. Unless this and other structural faults in these economic relations are corrected the cycle of marginalisation and under-development of Africa will persist. In order to break this cycle, African countr4ies must develop a sound and viable industrial base, beneficiate and add value to their primary products.
The SADC Trade agreement is an important example of a region that has expanded its market from several small isolated pockets to one of 150 million people to which investors can only be interested, especially in light of the fact that the region offers much greater returns on investment than any other. Within this broad framework, we have to maximize comparative and competitive advantage, strive for joint formulation of regional and continental industrialization policies and programmes with due regard to strategic needs of individual countries.
With all the good intention in the world, there can be no doubting the fact that the structural adjustment programmes, had a negative impact on the social services, infrastructure and public service. This has in a number of instances contributed to socio-economic instability of the countries concerned.
As you all know, a huge proportion of the continent's GDP currently services debt. This is by all accounts an untenable situation. This, combined with the declining levels of both foreign aid and foreign direct investment (FDI), has a devastating impact on the continent's psospects of economic recovery. It is for this reason that we deem it urgent that the highly indebted poor countries (HIPC) debt should be cancelled. However, this should be accompanied by two important measures; the development of macro-economic policy interventions that would stabilize our econmies and the prodent and efficient utilization of limited resources in order to optimize their impact.
These relations between Africa and the rest of the world are entrenched by a plethora of regulatory regime that is administered by various international agencies. In this regard the IMF and the World Bank deserve special reference as warranting reform and a radical change of approach in order to ensure that they become serious and meaningful partners with Africa. The fact that this matter is now on the international agenda is result of the pressures placed by, among others, the African leadership whose countries have been adversely affected by the programmes and sometimes decisions that emanate from these quarters.
Social Development
It is common knowledge that there are more people dying from curable diseases and hunger in Africa than they are from war. The economic progress we are seeking will be meaningless unless it impacts positively on this challenge. Such diseases as malaria and TB are not only curable, but they can be prevented. The fact that they claim lives of large numbers of our people is a consequence of both the excessively proced medicines and the inadequate health infrastrcture of most of our countries. To compound the proble is the HIV/AIDS pandemic, which poses a serious security threat, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. The decision of the pharmaceutical industry to substantially reduce the proce of drugs in this regard is an important development, which must be applauded. However, in light of the extent of the spread of the disease and the magnitude of the problem this single intervention cannot be adequate. Further interventions are required to improve Africa's access to drugs and enhance the infrastructure of her health services.
This also suggests that we need to pay particular attention to enhancing the region's food security. The effective utilization of the land and development of farming techniques that ensure stable and sustainable food production. The same applies to water security. This is a scarce commodity, which has to be preserved and utilized sparingly. Indeed most of the diseases that affect our people derive from lack of clean water supply.
The rise of Africa will be not be realized without the emancipation of women in a content which has often refused to accord them an equal status in society. Their continued marginalisation is not only extravagant but it is without any discernible logic. We must continue to search for ways to take on this challenge. Similarly the rights of children to development, free from abuse through hard labour and employment in the theatre of war must be protected.
Stability
The absence of favorable social and economic conditions undermines any prospects for stability in Africa. However, we are also aware of the fact that the conditions of instability make it difficult to make the requisite progress in socio-economic development.
One of the important conditions in this regard is the establishment of a democratic dispensation. There has been tremendous progress in this regard as Africa today has the largest number of elected governments than at any stage in her history. The Algiers declaration of 1999 takes a hard stance against military regimes and protects constitutional governance is an important commitment at highest level, to not only protect the democratic order, but also the rule of law. The manner in which we deal with the problem in the Ivory Coast and the Comoros will have a bearing on the seriousness with which the important decision against unconstitutional order is to be taken.
However, the challenge that still confronts us is what it is that we do in situations where the constitutional order is inherently undemocratic. Clearly the intention cannot be to condemn people to an undemocratic order. We must promote the development of democratic constitutionality in order to avvoid a resort to confrontation and violence as a means of bringing about reforms. The other challenge is how we entrench a culture of democracy, on in response to pressures from some big brother from elsewhere, but as the cornerstone of our continent's chosen path to development. Clearly the role that various institutions in Africa play in this regard can never be over-emphasised. These include the African Commission for Human and Peoples Rights, the media, the intelligentsia, parliamentarians and civil society at large.
The other important factor to stability in our continent is the requirement for good governance. This must include the capacity of governments to render efficient and professional public service. Our inability to do this often results in allegations of nepotism and favoritism based on a range of often legitimate grounds. Indeed corruption and squandering of limited public resources in pursuit of selfish narrow interests has to be confronted head on. These conditions undermine the creation of a favorable climate for development. We must as a continent show a great deal of impatience and intolerance for these, for unless we do so, our dream for Africa will never come trues.
A related challenge is to deal with the persistent problem of ethnicity, narrow nationalism and religous intolerance that has often manifested itself in violence and conflict. The opportunity of Africa hosting the World Conference on Racism, Xenophobia and other forms of intolerance should enable us to critically examine the manifestation of this phenomenon with a view to ensuring that one of its critical outcome is a deliberate programme of action that will assist us to address it. The regional conference on this subject, to be held in Senegal in NOvember of this year will provide us with an important platform.
Security
There can be no doubt that the raging conflicts on our continent are a negative factor that undermines the possibilities of pursuing other more important developmental initiatives. It is for this reason that we have been involved in relentless efforts to secure their speedy resolution. These conflicts are fuelled and sustained by the supplier of arms to countries in conflict. The spread and proliferation of these arms in the continent is a cause for concern particularly their supply to paramiolitary formations. Our approach in this regard is that most of these conflicts arise from differences that can be resolved by means other than war. Their persistence is in many ways a reflection of our lack of capacity to prevent tem. We must therefore take on the challenge of establishing effective and adequate conflict prevention and resolution mechanisms. This must include early warning capability, mediation and conflict resolution.
Angola
The war in Angola is a typical example of a war that has raged for nearly thirty years where everybody agrees that there can be no military solution to the problem. However, war persists because UNITA has made it hard for anyone to believe that it is a trustworthy negotiating partner. Nonetheless, it remains doubtful that a true solution to that conflict can be found without their participation as well as Jonas Savimbi. It is for this reason that we believe that the search for a peaceful settlement as a lasting solution is unavoidable.
DRC
We are now pleased that the peace process has now been unlocked enabling the implementation of the Lusaka Agreement. We have to ensure that the momentum created by the Algiers meeting of regional leaders in April is sustained. We are committed to continuing encouraging all the belligerents to work within the framework of the Lusaka Agreement. We are also preparing to provide whatever support possible to the peacekeeping efforts of MONUC and former President Masire.
Burundi
The Arusha Peace Process under the facilitation of former President Mandela has made significant progress and remains on track. Mr. Mandela has managed to place the Burundi conflict and peace negotiations on the international agenda and has injected a new sense of urgency into the peace talks. Intensive talks with all the groups involved in Burundi have been taking place over the last few months. This has led to the two major rebel groups indicating their willingness to participate in the negotiations. Talks are continuing at the moment and President Buyoya will be visiting South Africa this week while the Facilitator travels to Burundi next week to specifically meet with political prisoners and visit the so-called regroupment camps. All observers and analysts are optimistic that the talks are on the verge of success, especially after Mr. Mandela's announcement on 23 May that a "landmark agreement" has been reached between the government and the rebels but that he could not yet divulge details.
Ethiopia/Eritrea
South Africa has been closely monitoring the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea since hostilities broke out in May 1998. Prior to the resumption of hostilities on May 12, President Mbeki personally urged both parties to reconsider the decision to pursue a military solution to the conflict. The events that ensued are now a matter of historical record, since both parties as well as the international community now looks to the future with hope. The peace negotiations presently taking place in Algties, under the aegis of the OAU, supported by the EU and US are reason for ptimism. It is indeed our hope and wish that at the conclusion of these talks, a durable peaceful settlement would be reached.
Sierra Leone
South Africa has consistently supported the position of the OAU and the UN in seeking to restore constitutional rule in Sierra Leone. The brutality, which has been displayed throughout the conflict stands, condemned, and ways will have to be sought to bring the perpetrators of these gross human rights violations to book. South Africa would therefore refuse to give legitimacy to members of the RUF and the AFRC by refusing to condone their visits to our country. As part of regional and global efforts to bring peace and stability to Sierra Leone, South Africa is willing to consider sharing expertise in such areas as the promotion of national reconciliation.
Zimbabwe
Our position on Zimbabwe remains unchanged; namely that all parties concerned should find an amicable solution to the problem. As articulated by President Mbeki, South Africa believes that four objectives should be attained, namely
For its part, South Africa has engaged several world leaders asking to fund the land resettlement programme as a matter of urgency. Regarding our involvement in the Zimbabwean election, a group of twenty South African parliamentarians will form part of the SADC Parliamentary Forum that will observe the elections. These observers will have the responsibility to draw to the attention of relevant authorities any problems detected so that these may be attended to timeously in order to protect the integrity of the electoral process rather than wait until the end only to pronounce on the fairness or otherwise of the elections.
Co-operation
Clearly the successful tackling of these challenges require that at an international level we have organizations that are sensitive to these and can provide all the necessary support. In this regard the reform of the UNSC assumes particular urgency. Clearly its compostion reflects the dynamics of an era immediately after the 2nd World War. The dynamics of the modern world present us with a different environment in need of an organization suited to those.
In order for Africa to play a meaningful role in these processes our own regional organization are in need of serious restructuring with a view to enhancing their capacity in order to meet the tough challenges that face us as indicated above. It is in this regard that we are encouraged with the progress being made in the restructuring of the OAU. In the same vain welcome progress is also being made to restrcture SADC eo ensure that there is adequate focus on both socio-economic and the political dimensions of the organization. These matters will form the agenda of the SADC Summit later this year.
DFA Transformation
There can be no doubting the fact that the challenges that we have to contend with as a continent will place an enormous burder on the South African government and the Department of Foreign Affairs in particular. We would have to assess our organizational focus, enhance our capacity for early warning in order to improve our pro-active and preventative interventions.
We need capacity to facilitate mediation of conflicts long before they break out into war. The government should have a reliable resource in the Department of Foreign Affair to facilitate the prevention of conflicts in a manner that complements those of regional bodies like the OAU. There is capacity for this kind of role that can be found in breader civil society, it must be nurtured and put to good use to complement that of our regional organizations.
The challenges we have to contend with in the continent would suggest that this has to be an area of priority, focussing on development, stability and security. We have already taken steps to improve our ability to participate in peacekeeping initiatives in Africa. Last week I announced the establishment of the national office for the coordination of peace missions whose function includes the coordination of our work in this area as our first attempt in this regard. South Africa already contributes a disproportionately higher amount to peacekeeping efforts of the UN.
In order for us to do many of these we need to improve the capacity of the Department to source, evaluate, and analyze information in order to make intelligent interventions in what are often intricate and complex situations. This would require that in addition to developing our own internal capacity we would have to rely on a strategic partnership with other entities in society that are involved in this area of work.
In the next few months there are going to be significant changes in the leadership of the department in all its facets. We lag behind most government departments as far as this is concerned. The demographic profile of the senior levels of the Department of Foreign Affairs both at head office and at our mission abroad is not anything we can be proud of. Ineeed in the short period that I have been in that department, I have found a number of blacks and women who have shown incredible potential if not capability. I have also been interacting with a lot of people interested to join the department, with varied experience from whose expertise the department would stand to benefit. I think they deserve to be afforded a reasonable opportunity to prove themselves.
We would have to define a strategic partnership with civil society whose resourcefulness would stand to benefit the cause of African development. This does not in anyway suggest that independent organs of civil society are being co-opted to be agencies of our foreign policy objectives, their independence would not be interfered with.
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, the challenges that I have sketched above are not the exclusive concern of South Africa, but in large measure they are concerns and yearnings of millions of people across our common planet. As we seek solutions to the multitude of questions that I have alluded to, we are confident that the force of peace, stability and progress are on the march to making our world the best place to live in.
Issued by: Department of Foreign Affairs