13 September 1999
London, United Kingdom
Distinguished Guests
Ladies and Gentlemen:
In 1995 Ben Okri, the outstanding Nigerian author, brought out a book entitled Astonishing the Gods. In this novel, the main character, who leaves his home in search of the secret of visibility, describes in seemingly vivid terms a past world that he encou nters on his travels. He says:
"As if in a mist, he saw whole peoples rising from the depths of a great ocean, rising from the forgetful waters. Then, with a fixed and mystic gaze in their eyes, he saw them walking to an island of dreams. There they began building a great ci ty of stone, and within it mighty pyramids and universities and churches and libraries and palaces and all the new unseen wonders of the world. He saw them building a great new future in an invisible space. They built quietly for a thousand years. They bui lt a new world of beauty and wisdom and protection and joy to compensate for their five hundred years of suffering and oblivion ..." (1995:27)
The people, the civilisations to which this main character refers, could easily have come from our pre-colonial African past, for indeed it was those who inhabited this continent, who were the creators of pyramids and libraries. Alternatively, we may wish to see his vision as a view of Africa in the future, a construction of a new caring society of "beauty and wisdom and protection and joy."
His view embraces a sense of time that is open-ended, a long view of history, that extends back into the distant past and projects far into the future, a time as Atukwei Okai has recently described, as "we are bound to cross it, we have no choice. Time is always moving forward, like a river. But then time is also, all the time, moving forward like a hurricane. It is within this dual character of time that we perceive or can isolate the phenomenon of the guillotine of time." (1999:359)
These timely and timeless images that Okri uses serve to inspire all of us into achieving greater heights, by re-collecting a past that must not be allowed to be forgotten but must be recovered to impact on our future.
On the other hand, Wole Soyinka, in a recent, particularly pessimistic essay, focuses on the horrors of a continent seemingly plagued with wars and violence. He writes:
"Just as in Kosovo, or Rwanda, Algeria, or indeed Angola, there are horrors in today's arenas of conflict that defy the accommodativeness of the Muse, traditional or contemporary. Sierra Leone has turned into the land of terminal censorship, ab rupt and unregulated, where the voices of memory are brutally censored, mindlessly, terminally, not even under a project of religious doctrinaire cleansing as in Algeria, ethnic cleansing as in Kosovo or Rwanda, or ideological cleansing as in unbelievable Cambodia and other aberrant projects for the conditioning of the mind.... From the Uganda of Idi Amin and Milton Obote to present-day Sierra Leone, from Siad Barre's Somalia and Mariam Mengistu's Ethiopia to Liberia, the dismal story has been wearisomely r epeated.... This land also of the playwright Yulisu Amadi Maddy, of the urbane critic Eldred Jones, of skilled silver and goldsmiths, of the sublime sculptures of the Nimba peoples and timeless lyrics of their griots, has been turned into a featureless lan dscape of rubble, of a traumatised populace and roaming canines among unburied cadavers." (1999:12)
Notwithstanding the perhaps overly idyllic vision of an Okri, or the cynicism and blighted hope of a Soyinka, the question that we have to ask ourselves today is how do we create or re-create the Africa described in Okri's passage and put a halt forever to the seemingly mindless violence and inhumane Africa described by Soyinka. Where do we find the solutions to the seemingly insurmountable problems that Africa still faces today, despite the progress that is being made on our continent?
I believe that the answer to this question is not so much one that requires a literary solution or is a matter for fiction, but rather, is related to the topic that we have come here to discuss today. It is a question that can only be truly answered if we look at governance in Africa and address the challenges facing us in this regard.
One of the most important challenges for governance on the continent today is how best to instil democracy on the African continent, how to inculcate it in the minds, the emotions and, most importantly, the daily practices of the African people. For truly democratic governance is the enemy of those who engage in constant warring and of those who perpetuate atrocities, whether for their own greed or misguided belief in some kind of inherent superior or ethnic power. This is the lesson that we have learnt in South Africa; that the apartheid mindset and inhumane practices of the past could only be stopped through a sustained courageous fight for a genuinely democratic society.
Democracy, we have all learnt, cannot be based on command, but must be full empowerment and extensive engagement of all people, especially those who have been marginalised from power. Democratisation entails an ongoing dynamic relationship between the elec ted representatives of the people and the people themselves, and, while it is a system of management, it should be seen as a way of engendering full participation, encouraging creativity and, importantly, ensuring political accountability at all levels.
In a paper to a conference in Sweden in June 1997 President Mbeki said that in Africa what we have tried out with limited success includes:
The establishment of one-party states;
From our own African experience in different parts of the continent and in dissimilar conditions we can say that in the long term one-party states did not succeed in bringing about accountable governments, respect for human rights, regular free and fair el ections and the cultivation of people centred societies. That more than 25 sub-Saharan countries have established democracies based on a multi-party political system is I believe a sign of the times. With a multi party political system it is possible to ha ve a greater flow of contending ideas, ideological positions, programmes and manifestos. It lays the basis for a peaceful competition for political power, and for the people to speak and to decide.
The history of South Africa, the wars of resistance to colonialism, racism and apartheid propelled all of us, oppressor and oppressed, perpetrators of a crime against humanity and victims of this crime to negotiate a constitutionally entrenched multi-party system, and democratic governance encompassing the three spheres of government, national, provincial and local. This constitutional democracy is enhanced and supported through state institutions, which are, although state funded, independent, such as the Public Protector, the Human Rights Commission, the Auditor General, The Commission for Gender Equality and the soon-to-be established Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities which acknowle dges the pluralism of South African society. Ours is a democracy that seeks to be all embracing and with specific provisions it allows for the participation of traditional leaders, especially at the level of local government.
There are some who would say that this is a costly exercise, that democracy is expensive, but the truth is that Africa can ill-afford anything less than a democracy; dictatorships or constant warring are far more expensive in terms of finances and destruct ion of human lives and infrastructure. Democracy is a significant investment in people and should be seen as such, for the interest it returns will be peaceful and sustained development of our continent.
The concrete form democracy takes is a specific of the country or region and must be based on the needs of that context and can best be articulated by those emerging from that particular vantage point. Every country, every region, should come up with its o wn collective solutions to questions of democratic governance, but must do so based on the will of its people and in pursuit of the goal of a better life for all. But we can all benefit immensely from exchanges of ideas around forms and levels of democrati c governance.
We remain convinced that no lasting solution can be found to the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi and Angola, to mention a few, in the absence of the people and their representatives charting the way forward. There has to be prese nt, the ability and willingness to enter into compromises (where necessary) in the broader national interest in which all share a common destiny. No sustainable and lasting solution can be imposed from outside.
In both conflict-ridden countries, as well as relatively more politically stable societies, organs of civil society have a central role to play in the process of deepening and entrenching democratic principles, systems and governments. A strong vibrant and energetic civil society, rooted in communities is a necessary condition if we are to develop a genuine partnership between government and civil society for economic development, for a better life for all.
The weaknesses of civil society as well as civil order makes it that much easier for small groups of highly motivated men to stage a coup d'etat and thereafter hold on to power by force and coercion in order to amass wealth for a tiny elite.
In this context the decision of the last OAU Heads of State Summit meeting is most encouraging, namely that governments who came to power not through democratic means will be allowed a year to get their houses in order, go through the process of holding fr ee and fair elections and establishing legitimate democratic governments or face expulsion from the OAU.
The challenge for governance is also how to involve the private sector as part of this smart partnership for development. For the success of democracy is also dependent on the creation of an enabling environment through an integrated approach to developmen t by providing adequate infrastructure to a community - housing, community centres, adequately-equipped schools, roads, health care - that will also encourage the promotion of jobs, the generation of ideas, so that citizens are not only concerned with thei r own livelihoods, but are also able to see to it that their communities prosper through encouraging entrepreneurship among themselves. Whilst there is general recognition of the important role that has to be played by the private sector including direct f oreign investment in production areas, the state will have to continue to play a critical role.
The challenge of governing over the last five years has demonstrated to us South Africans that we should pay particular attention and ensure a more coherent, co-ordinated approach if we are to deal with the appalling levels of poverty in our rural areas. T o begin to address this mother of all challenges, President Thabo Mbeki, in announcing a sustainable integrated rural development programme, noted:
"The Government will also place more emphasis on the development of a co-operative movement to combine the financial, labour and other resources among the masses of the people, rebuild our communities and engage the people in their own developm ent through sustainable economic activity."
"The integration we seek must, for instance, ensure that when a clinic is built, there must be a road to access it. It must be electrified and supplied with water. It must have the requisite personnel, qualified to meet the health needs of the particular community. The safety and security of the personnel and material resources which are part of the clinic must be guaranteed." (1999: 9, 12)
The benefits of such an approach are also for the most marginalised members of our society, the rural poor, mostly women who have borne the brunt of domestic labour and violence and the youth of these areas who will be empowered through skills development programmes.
Gender equality in governance is also a challenge that faces all of us as we strive for the full participation of people in political, social, economic and cultural life. There can be no genuine democratisation of society if women are not empowered to play their full part in every area and level of life.
We must nurture a truly people-centred society that upholds dignity and humanity, and cultivating an ethos which places human beings at the centre of change. I believe that these finer points are those which ultimately will shape our democratic character. The challenge for us all in the broader African context is how to ensure that the needs and concerns of women, children and the disabled are addressed. In a continent filled with the destructive effects of war, we should have comprehensive answers on how t o see to those disabled through war.
In a continent ravaged by HIV/AIDS, this also represents a challenge for governance in regions and the entire continent. This has been the silent war without gunshots and land mines, the war that wastes away our African brothers and sisters every day that passes. While co-operation does exist between countries in this regard, much can and must be done even at a continental level to address the scourge of HIV/AIDS. The successful public awareness campaign rolled-out by Uganda is a shining example of what can be done to help reduce the incidence of HIV/AIDS. Here there is open public debate and discussion on all issues affecting HIV/AIDS.
In analysing the challenges facing governance in Africa it is also important to speak of the role that must be played by the civil service.
Another challenge for us all is how best to strive for a civil service that is accountable, morally incorruptible and fully conscious of its responsibility to the nation state, a civil service that fully understands and has internalised the role of the sta te, is capable of implementing policy, providing efficient services to the people and always acting in a disciplined manner.
It is an institution that has endured. Yet for too long and in too many countries on our continent, it has been those among the civil servants who are the ones who are corrupt, who have used their positions to amass wealth. For too long have some in the ci vil services of the continent been active participants in coups, for too long have the civil servants of this continent been among those who start the so-called civil wars that has kept some countries unstable for decades and the general population living in constant fear.
Governance in Africa undoubtedly is affected by economic factors. Poor economic performance and growth are not conducive to good governance. The biggest problem in Africa is how to eliminate poverty.
The 1999 Human Development Report of the UNDP notes:
"When the market goes too far in dominating social and political outcomes, the opportunities and rewards of globalisation spread unequally and inequitably - concentrating power and wealth in a select group of people, nations and corporations, m arginalising the others ... When the profit motives of market players get out of hand, they challenge people's ethics - and sacrifices respect for justice and human rights..."
The report gives specific figures to illustrate what is actually happening with regard to what it refers to as rewards that are spread "unequally and inequitably"
We quote:
"By the late 1990s the fifth of the worlds people living in the highest income countries had :
86% of the world GDP;
82% of the world export markets - the bottom fifth just 1%;
68% of foreign direct investment - the bottom fifth just 1%; and
74% of world telephone lines, today's basic means of communication - the bottom fifth just 1.5%"
These startling, indeed frightening statistics tells its own story of the African condition.
For too long, in Africa, have poor countries been subjected to the whims of the developed nations who have dictated terms for aid, often resulting in debts that accumulate and can never be paid off, perpetuating a relationship of have and have-nots.
For too long, in Africa, have those countries with valuable economic resources such as mineral wealth been the ones in which countries of the developed world have sought to secure economic rights favourable to them without being of benefit to the people of those countries and regions, investing only in a context of trade liberalisation and open markets, with minimal concern for the raising of the standards of living of the African people in these states.
We cannot also speak about governance in Africa and the difficulties of this without speaking of the negative effects of globalisation, with the resultant fluidity of capital that was an important factor in leading to the crisis in Southeast Asia, and that resulted in instability in all emerging markets such as ourselves.
For the challenge for governance in Africa is also a challenge about the governance of Africa. It is about the need for Bretton Woods Institutions and all organisations involved in international governance with world memberships to be reformed in order to give African countries equal voices in matters concerning them. The framework of rules and regulations governing us internationally should promote our collective interests and not the interests of a privileged few.
We can today speak with greater conviction of the real opportunity of bringing about an African Renaissance. This is not an event but a process that may well take us a century and more. An African Renaissance recognises the past and large parts of it are i ndeed glorious but also projects into the future. As we look into the future we should accept the right of the downtrodden, the marginalised, the poor, the wretched of the earth to rebel against their monstrous existence. It is part of the power of the peo ple to consciously exercise their capacity to free themselves from hunger, poverty and destitution. It is their striving for a genuine liberation that is the cornerstone of the African Renaissance. But the African Renaissance also means building upon regio nal and continental institutions, giving flesh and blood to the African Charter of Human and Peoples Rights , regional economic associations, environmental protection, job creation and meeting the basic needs of the impoverished masses.
Thus, the challenge for governance in Africa is also a challenge for Africa in continental governance, about coming up with the best possible ways for continental and global co-operation. This is easier said that done, but the objectives in the Abuja Treat y have pointed the way forward.
Of course, the question arises as to what happens to national sovereignty in the event of real economic integration? What happens to democratic governance at national levels or the individual say of one nation state, in the face of the bigger economic need s?
I believe that we must ensure that we continue to promote and create people-centred societies and that the humane values of these societies, these democratic fundamentals, should serve to underpin our regional and continental relationships. We should see t o it that sound and good political governance should mean sound, stable and good economic relationships as well.
One way of promoting good relationships between countries is through communication. Communication between people, between nations, prefiguring co-operation, is the sole basis for arriving at a common understanding. It is only through the exchanges of ideas , of ways of living, that we can arrive at a peaceful existence and cultural coalescence, that we can bring into being a full-fledged African personality, perhaps for the first time in the history of this continent.
After all, we are living in the midst of a fast-moving Information Age that should revolutionise all our lives in terms of how we process information and the opportunities resulting out of these new developments. Free flows of information through new digit al systems should have a dynamic effect on all our lives and enable the collective processing and assimilation of ideas that can lead to further discoveries and innovations that can enhance all different aspects of our lives. We have yet to fully explore t he effects this will have for governance in Africa in the 21st century. This may very well revolutionise the languages of governance and the implications of this are unforeseen.
But we need to invest now in telecommunications infrastructure and in the necessary human resource development so that we have an abundance of skilled African expertise that will indeed meet the needs of the next century, so that in word and deed, we shall be able to call it the African Century for development, peace and prosperity that this continent needs so much.
In the words of a Tanzanian poet, Nadir Tharani,
"words can't break stones
nor wash feet;
but then
how many stones or feet
can explain,
what our hands create
belongs to us."
(1983:110)
It is the genius of the people of our continent; it is the unflinching determination of millions "whose hands create" what belongs to us, to create a better life for all; it is the profound commitment of all our peoples to uphold a democratic system, human rights, peace, democracy and prosperity; it is a growing realisation that an African Renaissance is critical for economic growth, political stability and democratic governance that moves us in the direction of Okri rather that Wole Soyinka. Africa, not wi thstanding its enormous problems, conflicts and wars, remains a continent of hope. Africa has embarked on a great trek that will take us out of the period of pessimism, despair and hopelessness.