Issued by: Government Communications (GCIS)
MEDIA STATEMENT ON THE ADDRESS OF THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS ON THE CRISIS IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO (DRC)
ADDRESS OF THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS THE HON. MR ALFRED NZO ON THE CRISIS IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
20 AUGUST 1998 - NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Madam Speaker,
Today we stand at the brink of an unprecedented military conflict in sub-Saharan Africa whose occasion and locus is the absence of a stable, lasting and democratic order in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
It is a military conflict which, if indeed does take place and is allowed to assume its full momentum, shall amount to the betrayal of the political responsibility and trust which the people of our subcontinent has placed on the shoulders of their political leaders.
Indeed, if this potential conflagration is allowed to become a reality, it shall amount to the betrayal of the very principles that propelled the people of the African continent to organise themselves in their numbers to resist colonial aggression and perpetual bondage.
By now all of us know that our involvement in the conflict in the then Zaire came about as per request of both Mr Kabila and the then President of Zaire Mr Mabuto Seseseko. We got involved because we were convinced in our minds, as we are convinced now that the problems in the former Zaire could not be isolated and separated from the overall political, social and economic objectives of the people of our country, our region, our subcontinent and indeed of the African continent as a whole.
We got involved because we are certain that any talk of the renewal of our region and our continent can only be predicated on a stable and peaceful continent, committed to the principles of democracy and respect for human rights. A region and a continent guided by clear and deliberate socioeconomic programme designed to integrate the peoples of our continent in the overall socioeconomic evolution of humanity.
We felt then, as we are convinced now that our contribution should comprise in a programme of activity whose primary aim is to empower the people of the former Zaire, which today we know as the Democratic Republic of Congo, to establish a political order which, both in terms of form and content, shall be broad-based, as inclusive as possible of all the political tendencies, ethnic interests and geographic dispersal.
The honourable members will know that at the time President Kabila's forces reached Kinshasa, we had not managed to make this principle the guiding principle of all the belligerent forces which were involved in the conflict.
It is important for the honourable members and the world to know that even after President Kabila had assumed power; we continued the engagement with him which sought to continue to help the people of Congo to establish the broad-based political order we have just talked about.
It is our considered opinion that the present conflict within the borders of the DRC is the result of the failure to establish precisely such a political order.
Having said that Madame Speaker, it is important for us to recognise that the country we today call the DRC, over the decades has gone through a bitter history of social conflicts, threats of cessation, as well as enduring one of the most abominable dictatorship and claptocracy the world has ever seen.
All these factors, in addition to slavery and colonialism, have conspired to produce a society whose culture, ethnic diversity and social psyche demands the best of our political minds if we are to establish a stable social order.
The involvement of Rwanda and Uganda in the conflict in Zaire at the time of Mobuto rule, as well as their said involvement in the present conflict should be understood with the help of this history of that region.
Honourable members, it is not for us today to attempt to spell out the detail of both the spark that has set alight the present conflict, nor to attempt to identify with some precision all its different elements.
What we can say with certainty is that there is a military revolt within the borders of the DRC whose concentration has covered the large part of the East as well as the West of the country. We cannot confirm as to what extent has the rebellion gone and how big a section of both the armed forces and the civilian populatin are affected by it.
But all indications are that the military revolt has reached a critical stage which has even prompted President Kabila to seek external military assistance in order to stem the tide and possibly force the rebel forces to a retreat.
Of course, all of us by now have heard or read about the allegations emanating from the political leadership in Kinshasa that the present rebellion is spearheaded by both Rwanda and Uganda. This allegation makes the point that the present conflict is not purely an internal matter but is linked to the support that both Rwanda and Uganda is giving to the rebel forces.
At this juncture, Madame Speaker, it is important for us to outline briefly the engagements we have had with the interested parties in the conflict not only in the Great Lakes region, but also with the political leadership of our own region.
On the 7th August 1998, I led a delegation which included the Minister of Defence, Mr Joe Modise, to Lumbumbashi to meet with PresidentKabila. Our objective was to hear from him his own assessment of the origin of the present conflict as well as possible solutions.
In short, his explanation was that the rebellion within the army was a reaction by Rwandese soldiers, whom he had ased to go back to their country. He alleged that a situation had developed within the armed forces that resulted in lack of discipline and criminality to the extent that it was becoming difficult to exercise command and control.
Whilst some of the Rwandese soldiers had agreed to go back, there are those who resisted and had to be rounded forcibly, he alleged. That is how the first shots were fired, we were informed.
President Kabila proceeded to allege that the rest of the Rwandese soldiers had simply withdrawn to the east of the country where they began to organise the rebellion and the offensive against his government.
He also alleged that the governments of Rwanda and Uganda were part and parcel of the plot as well as the actual military offensive which began in the East of the country and quickly spread to the West.
His motivation was that the involvement of Rwanda and Uganda is occasioned by their support for the Tutsi population in the East of the country with, whom they share the geographic origin and culture.
Subsequent to the visit to Lubumbashi a number of envoys from some countries have come to South Africa bearing messages on or to discuss the situation in the DRC. These included envoys from DRC, Libya, Uganda and Angola.
On the 17th and 18th of this month again I led a delegation to Kigali in Rwanda and Gulu in Uganda respectively. The objective of the delegation was to seek the assessment of the political leadership both in Rwanda and in Uganda about the conflict in the DRC especially in the light of the accusations emanating from Kinshasa that the two countries are involved in the rebellion.
In both cases the political leadership denied any military involvement, but instead emphasised the point that they see the conflict as emanating from the internal situation in the DRC itself.
However, they indicated that they are also interested parties in the developments in the DRC by virtue of the history and the experience of acts of destabilisation, which are perpetrated by elements opposed to the two countries which utilise the border between the DRC and the two countries.
They were also concerned with what they saw as anti-Tutsi propaganda fanned from Kinshasa that could result in genocide against all people of Rwandese extraction in the DRC.
The political leadership in both Rwanda and Uganda were unanimous that they see the solution to the conflict in a military cease-fire which can allow an atmosphere within which a broad-based forum of the Congolese people can take place.
The aim of such a forum would be to allow the people of Congo to agree on an interim mechanism which can prepare for democratic elections which will empower the Congolese people to elect their own leaders.
We made the point both in Rwanda and Uganda that we also ascribe to the position that the solution to the conflict in the DRC should be sought in a political process that will encompass all the political voices in the country. We reiterated our position that a lasting solution cannot reside in a triumphalist military victory that seeks to install one political faction as against the rest of the other political interests in the Congo. We made the point that we believe that all of us, without delay, should work for the commencement of such a political negotiated settlement.
We committed ourselves to engage all political peaceful means, including those that exist through the Southern African Development Community (SADC), in order to encourage the negotiated political settlement. We believe that SADC is an important instrument at the disposal of our people and it is anyway also in the interest of SADC and the people it represents to help facilitate a political solution to this conflict.
Madame Speaker,
This is the line along which we have started in our interaction with the political leadership in our region, the region of the Great Lakes as well as all other parties which are concerned about the events in the DRC which could pose a threat to the stability of our regions. This is how we would like to proceed.
We request the support of the House for this line we have chose.
Thank You.
ISSUED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS PRETORIA 19980820