4.1 Introduction
During the course of its investigation, the Subcommittee became aware that there are two areas of uncertainty that will influence any actions taken by the authorities with respect to a tax on rural land in South Africa. These are the capacity of the authorities to implement such a tax, and the impact that the tax will have on the citizens of this country. These two issues form a vital part of the assessment of recommendations for the implementation of a rural land tax in terms of the principles of an efficient and coherent tax system, as was argued in paragraph 29 above. In this Chapter, these two issues are discussed against the background of the findings of the research that was conducted by the Subcommittee. This is followed by our recommendations for further action.
4.2 Tax principles
The Subcommittee has evaluated its research findings in terms of underlying principles of an efficient and coherent tax system. In this regard, the Subcommittee has concentrated on the efficacy of a rural land tax and on the ability of the different levels of government to implement such tax. The efficiency and equity of the tax should be measured against its potential revenue yield, the distribution of the tax burden and on the microeconomic effects of the tax.
The Subcommittee is aware of the fact that there are many ways that local service provision might be funded and where the objectives of devolution of tax and local control over service provision funded by such taxes can be achieved. The Subcommittee recognises the importance of empowering lower levels of government through the transfer of own revenue sources.
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act grants municipalities the right to levy rural land taxes. In the course of its deliberations, the Subcommittee considered both the relative advantages and disadvantages of a rural land tax but far more significantly the mechanisms for its efficient and equitable implementation. Whilst acknowledging that a rural land tax may have certain social advantages like encouraging the economic use of land because of the increased holding costs thereof, and be supportive of land reform, the Subcommittee concluded that appropriate measures, such as a rebates system, would be required to accommodate the productive use of land.
4.3 The capacity to implement a rural land tax
In its Interim Report, the Subcommittee recommended against the use of a rural land tax in the national sphere of government, either as a means of raising revenue or as an instrument of the land reform programme. The Government accepted this recommendation. However, the Subcommittee was unable conclusively to recommend for or against the use of such an instrument in the provincial or local sphere, although it did express a preference for its use in the local sphere in the event that the tax was found to be of benefit. Subsequently, however, the adoption of the Constitution has provided some clarification on this issue: it ruled out the provincial sphere, and explicitly empowered municipalities to raise taxes on property.
Notwithstanding this clarification, however, there is still uncertainty surrounding the final shape of local government in South Africa. During the course of its research, the Subcommittee came to realise that decisions on the final shape of local authorities matter to their ability and willingness to implement such a tax. To complicate matters further, the Subcommittee is aware that legislation passed in the national sphere of government will probably allow the provinces some discretion in deciding on what kind of rural municipal structures they eventually adopt.
An added problem is that, while much progress has been made in ordering the relationship between the central government and the provinces in the field of management of relations with municipalities, there is less certainty regarding the other two legs of this relationship. It appears, for example, that the relations between provinces and municipalities have not developed much beyond those ruling under the previous dispensation. This means that, in some provinces, the relationship works according to as many as four different sets of rules. Further, there does not seem to have been much progress in regularising the relationship between the national government and municipalities, especially in respect of their fiscal relationship.
These uncertainties matter in assessing the capacity that exists within municipalities to take on new responsibilities such as the implementation of a rural land tax. For example, in its Media Statement of October 1996, the Subcommittee intimated that it preferred that the tax should be raised in the primary tier of local government, rather than at the secondary tier. However, the research of the Subcommittee, as reported in Chapter Three above, shows that primary rural municipalities generally do not have the capacity for this task. Furthermore, it is not even clear whether primary rural municipalities will exist in the future, while even in the transition phase large parts of the country do not have them. Lastly, the nature of the relationship between provinces and rural municipalities and between the national government and rural municipalities will also determine whether the latter have the capacity to be charged with this responsibility. The more support rural municipalities receive from the other two spheres, the greater their capacity to undertake such tasks.
With this in mind, it is necessary that the Subcommittee first turns its attention to recommendations for further action in the local sphere of government. However, the Subcommittee is aware that decisions in the local sphere regarding the implementation of a land tax (including the decision not to implement it) cannot be successful unless they take place within a national framework. Therefore, it will follow these recommendations for local action with recommendations for further action in the national and provincial sphere regarding framework legislation.
4.4. The impact of a rural land tax
The decisions taken by a municipality regarding a rural land tax (within national framework legislation) will have consequences for the municipality itself, and for the community that it serves. The purpose of the research project assigned by the Subcommittee was, inter alia, to assess these consequences, which flow from both the fact of the introduction of the tax, and from the specific design of the tax. In this respect, the Subcommittee has investigated the consequences of decisions around:
The issues identified here, must also become the major elements on which national framework legislation must focus in order to establish an efficient and coherent tax regime. In the following sections, therefore, recommendations are made for further action in the municipal sphere under each of these headings. These will be followed by recommendations for action in the national and provincial spheres. As the first set of recommendations is addressed to municipalities, the discussion starts with a consideration of the appropriate tax authority.
4.5 The tax authority
In its Media Statement No. 15 (see Appendix 1), the Subcommittee argued that the most appropriate tax authority for a rural land tax would be primary local structures. However, the research results show clearly that this is not feasible in the near term, even though the absence of implementation capacity and an own revenue base could be compensated for by arrangements such as arranging for the function to be executed on an agency basis or fiscal transfers, etc. Further, it is not yet clear that primary rural municipalities will remain part of the Constitutional dispensation in the country.
For this reason the Subcommittee recommends that:
In this regard the Subcommittee has noted with concern the practice in the Northern Province, where the provincial government has assumed the authority to retain the property taxes raised in the towns in former homeland areas. The Subcommittee wishes to caution against an extension of this practice to the levying of a rural land tax.
4.6 The definition of the tax base
In its Media Statement No. 15, the Subcommittee pointed out that decisions would have to be made regarding which land (property) should be included in the tax base, and which rating system should be used. With respect to these issues, the Subcommittee deliberated on a number of questions, namely, which land should be included, whether mineral and water rights should be included; and what rating system would best serve the needs of the community. The following considerations were taken into account:
Taking these arguments into consideration, the Subcommittee recommends that:
4.7. The taxpayer
During its deliberations, the Subcommittee has not found any reason to change its position on this issue. Therefore, the Subcommittee recommends that:
4.8 The method and frequency of valuation
The Subcommittee has spent considerable time in evaluating the merits and demerits of the different methods of valuation, and reported extensively on the various options in its Interim Report. Subsequent deliberations have been based on the submissions made to the Subcommittee and the results of the research that was conducted during the course of this investigation. The Subcommittee is of the opinion that, among the many issues that have to be accounted for, there are two that are key which will determine what method is optimal:
These arguments lead to a paradox: in the absence of firm guidelines, there will be a bias towards using market valuations in areas closer to existing urban concentrations, as this has been the practice in these areas. Yet, it is precisely under these circumstances that market valuations result in the greatest distortions in the agricultural sector when compared to use values at the same tax rates. Nevertheless, the degree of distortion is less the lower the tax rate. As market values result in a higher assessment of the value of land under such circumstances (i.e. when non-farm factors have their greatest influence), the rate at which the tax is levied can be much lower.
The Subcommittee has also considered alternative instruments for assessing the use value of agricultural land. The research commissioned by the Subcommittee has shown that in 30 states in the USA, and in Chile, for example, there are prescriptions for public participation in the process that succeed in making the values arrived at transparent, and therefore more legitimate. While these processes result in higher administrative costs, they reduce the number (and expense) of the disputes that inevitably arise as a result of assessments. These participative approaches are often accompanied by mass valuation techniques. An example of such techniques was used in the research process on which the results in Chapter Two are based. The purpose of these techniques is to lower the cost of assessment, and to increase their accuracy.
Finally, there can be no prescription regarding the frequency of valuation. Objectively, the more frequent the valuation, the more equitable and efficient the tax will be when measured in terms of its impact. However, more frequent valuations increase the cost of administering the tax. In practice, land prices in agriculture tend to be more stable than in urban areas, so that valuations can be less frequent than in the case of urban valuations.
Taking these arguments into consideration, the Subcommittee recommends that:
4.9 Tax relief measures
The most common tax relief measures include exemptions from, rebates off and deferrals of the tax liability. All of these measures are used in urban areas in South Africa. These relief measures are all conventionally used to enhance the fairness of the tax. While such measures have the potential to increase the cost of administering the tax, some additional costs can be avoided if the taxpayers perceive that the system is fairer.
Furthermore, these instruments can be used to pursue a range of policy objectives. For example, in many countries that tax agricultural land, a rebate is granted as a means of protecting the agricultural character of the area, and deferrals are used in times of stress created by the weather (e.g. droughts and floods). A further possibility in the South African circumstances would be to grant an exemption from the tax liability for all tribal land until such time that the land has been surveyed and assessed, and the new laws providing legal protection to the owners (and/or holders of other enforceable tenure rights) have come into effect.
Should the recommendation to treat the tax as a provisional tax payment for income tax purposes be followed, tax relief measures can be limited to the bare minimum, which will make for much less complex legislation.
However, it should be acknowledged that there are large numbers of persons enjoying land use, e.g. in the communal land areas, and who are not required to be included in the tax net. These persons should be accommodated by some form of a de minimis exemption. The intention is that poor people who cannot afford such a cash outlay or who have no means of recovering the land tax through the income tax system, should be exempted.
Taking these arguments into consideration, the Subcommittee recommends that:
4.10 The tax rate and the desirability of rate-capping
The Subcommittee is of the view that the tax rates should be determined by individual municipalities subject to approval from the Department of Finance, and that the tax be treated as a provisional tax payment for income tax purposes. If this recommendation is followed it is not necessary to make any recommendations on tax rates or rate-capping.
4.11 The relationship with other taxes
The Subcommittee has argued that it does not expect RSC levies to be abolished (paragraph 193), and that transfer payments between the national and local spheres of government must be rational, predictable and accountable (paragraph 114). In dealing with the relationship with income taxes, four alternatives can be considered.
First, the rural land tax can be treated as an additional tax. Should this be implemented, the following will apply:
Second, the tax can be treated as tax deductible for income tax purposes. The results will be that a net tax cost of up to 55 per cent of the land tax payable will arise. While the impact on farmers and the rural economy will be less than in the first case, these disadvantages will still be present.
Third, the tax can be treated as a set-off against assessed income tax. The result is that the land tax will become a minimum tax, and will be even less distortionary than the previous two alternatives. However, it will still require comprehensive relief measures, and, therefore, complex legislation.
Fourth, the tax can be treated as a provisional tax payment for income tax purposes. This will have the following consequences:
4.12 Recommendations to the national government
The Subcommittee has thus far addressed its recommendations to the DCs, as it is in this sphere that a rural land tax should be decided upon, both in respect of whether the tax should be levied, and if so the manner in which it will be implemented. However, the Subcommittee believes that it is vital that framework legislation be passed in the national sphere to ensure the orderly introduction of the tax, and to ensure that it fits into national fiscal policy, including the intergovernmental fiscal framework.
Yet the Subcommittee recommends that the DCs be charged with this responsibility not necessarily because they are the ideal institutional vehicle, but because of the lack of an alternative. The Subcommittee has, during the course of its investigation, constantly been frustrated by the lack of progress in regularising local government matters. During the course of the research carried out on its behalf, the high level of frustration of many of the representatives of the DCs that participated was also evident.
The result is seen in outcomes that may suit some provincial or local objective, but that frustrate national policy. For example, there are DCs that cover a larger surface area than Gauteng: a number of them are sparsely populated, and a number very densely populated. This cannot be conducive to efficient rural development policy and planning no matter what good reason provinces may have for their establishment. Also, many DCs have boundaries that cut across magisterial borders, making detailed demographic analyses all but impossible. Above all, the Subcommittee has become aware of the uncertainty created by the lack of a coherent fiscal framework to order fiscal relations between the national government and municipalities, and between provincial governments and municipalities.
For these reasons the Subcommittee recommends that national framework legislation be passed that will provide a flexible, empowering environment within which rural municipalities can fulfil their constitutional obligations regarding development within the communities they represent. More specifically, the framework legislation should encompass the following:
4.13 Recommendations to the provincial governments
The Subcommittee is aware that the provinces may pass legislation and generally make policy with regard to municipal matters, including their own framework legislation to order the levying of a rural land tax. However, the Subcommittee believes that it is more important that the provinces first give their attention to a number of critical issues to regularise local government matters.
During the course of its research the Subcommittee noted that in some provinces, especially where steps were supposed to be taken to consolidate multiple former authorities, a myriad of laws still govern municipal issues. This creates uncertainty and, in most cases, perpetuates bad policy, weak legislation and a lack of implementation capacity. The example of the Northern Province, where the provincial government is, in the view of the Subcommittee, plainly acting unconstitutionally by levying urban property taxes, is only the most visible case. In this and other provinces municipalities are faced with the dilemma of having to manage their affairs under different, and often conflicting, legislation.
The Subcommittee is of the opinion that this lack of progress in consolidating legislation is merely a symptom of a lack of progress in providing a sound and coherent provincial policy framework within which local governments can manage their affairs. As noted above, the provinces can only partly be blamed for this state of affairs. The practical result is that, in the case of some of the provinces, there has been little progress in formulating and implementing policy towards matters such as the size of DCs, the capacity of primary rural municipalities and the proper fiscal relationship between the provinces and local governments.
In this respect, the Subcommittee recommends that:
It should be noted that the recommendations proposed form a coherent whole and any selective acceptance of recommendations could impact adversely on the acceptability and equity of the recommended land tax system.
The successful implementation of a land tax hinges on public awareness of its full implications, benefits and the rights of taxpayers.
In this respect, the Subcommittee recommends that:
(1) In the United States, use values are used to assess agricultural land for the purposes of levying land taxes in 48 of the states.
Contents Foreword Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Appendix Home