G
overnment reaction to Shaik verdict
The South African government yesterday noted the judgement in the
Durban trial of Shabir Shaik, and welcomed the fact that the matter
has reached a critical stage of finality, it said in a
statement.
“It testifies to the maturity of our democracy that the trial
ran its course without any interference from any quarter - be it
government in general or anyone in authority who may have featured
in the evidence led.
“Government respects the findings of the court, noting at the
same time that our legal system affords those convicted the
possibility of appealing to higher courts.”
While recognising that there may be a number of implications, for
government, arising out of the judgement, this was a matter that
would require considered reflection by relevant legal and political
authorities, the statement said.
“With regard to the Deputy President in particular, he has
himself indicated that he was studying the judgement before making
any detailed comment.
“As he has said before, and as the Judge asserted during the
hearing, the Deputy President was not on trial.
The government urged all South Africans, including the media, to
respect these processes and maintain the dignity with which this
matter has been dealt with thus far.
Government also noted the assertions in the judgement on matters
pertaining to the Strategic Defence Procurement Process.
These assertions were consistent with the main finding of the Joint
Investigation Team of the Auditor-General, the Public Protector and
the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions on the integrity of
primary contracting, which was the core responsibility of
government.
To the extent that the trial dealt with an outstanding issue
pertaining to secondary contracting, it was taking forward matters
that the team itself had found required further
investigation.
The government was convinced that the case itself, including the
lengthy judgement delivered - the latter with public access through
live media broadcasts - had not only added an important dimension
to civic education in the operation of our judicial system.
“It has also contributed in clarifying many legal and moral
issues pertaining to the vexed subject of corruption and abuse of
office within both the public and private sectors. In this regard
and as a consequence thereof, our democracy has emerged the
richer.”
ANC response
The African National Congress also noted the verdict handed down
yesterday in the Durban High Court in the fraud and corruption
trial of Schabir Shaik, saying that the ANC, “had maintained
throughout the matter that the due process of law must be allowed
to proceed without let or hindrance, and that the basic principles
of justice - including the right to presumption of innocence -
should be observed”. The ANC therefore appreciated the role
of the court in affirming the rule of law as an integral part of
our democratic constitutional order. “This is a further
signal of the integrity of the country's legal system, and an
affirmation of the maturity of our democracy. “The ANC will
comment further, if necessary, after studying the judgement,”
the party said.
DA says Zuma guilty
The Democratic Alliance yesterday issued a joint stement in
response to the verdict:
Judge Hilary Squires’ verdict in Durban today effectively
means that Deputy President Jacob Zuma – while not on trial
himself – has been found guilty in absentia.
Zuma’s position is now fundamentally compromised and he has
become an embarrassment, not only to President Mbeki, but also to
the ANC and the country as a whole.
This is exactly why the Democratic Alliance called upon him (as
early as August 2003) either to resign or vacate his office until
his name was cleared. The fact that Zuma chose instead to not only
remain in office but also to remain silent on the charges against
him means that he has now done irreparable harm to the
Presidency.
While a cloud of suspicion has hovered over him, since Schaik was
charged in August 2003 Zuma chose disingenuously to complain he had
been deprived of his day in court to clear his name. However, he
has had numerous opportunities to state his case on the
record.
Not only was he formally invited by the Hefer commission to give
evidence – which would have indirectly allowed him the
opportunity to state his case – but he could also have
appeared as a witness in the Shaik trial to corroborate his
position.
His claims of being tried in the media thus ring hollow.
In light of the verdict it is now clear that Zuma and Schaik had a
generally corrupt relationship and that Schaik solicited a bribe on
Zuma’s behalf.
In a charge of this nature it should not be forgotten that it takes
‘two to tango’.
It is clear that Zuma accepted payments from Schaik in return for
allowing him to use his political office to help Shaik secure
business contracts. Such a relationship clearly implicates both
parties in the relationship – the giver and the
receiver.
This vindicates the view we expressed right from the outset that
charges against Zuma and Schaik are inextricably linked.
The original charge sheet was written in such a way it was evident
that the original intention of Advocate Bulelani Ngcuka, the head
of the National Director of Public Prosecutions at the time was to
charge both Schaik and Zuma.
A fact that was confirmed by the NPA.
Serious questions must now be asked as to whether there was in fact
political pressure which forced Ngcuka to remove Zuma’s name
from the charge sheet as the DA warned in August 2003. In light of
the overwhelming evidence linking Zuma to the guilty verdict of
Schaik him, the NPA should reconsider the decision not to charge
Zuma with charges of corruption.
Apart from the legal decision itself, it should also be considered
that Zuma has been proven to have lied on a number of different
occasions. These include the following:
(a) Zuma lied to the nation:
In an official statement in August 2003, Zuma stated:
• “I have said before, and I repeat, that:
• I have never attempted to solicit a bribe.
• I have never used my public office to advance the private
business interest of any person.
• I have never discussed with Schabir or anyone else for that
matter, the issue of protecting Thomson/Thales or any other company
or individual from the investigation of the Joint Investigation
Team into the Strategic Defence Procurement.”
(b) Zuma lied to parliament:
• When he failed to declare received benefits from Schabir
Shaik as a benefit in the Registrar of Members’
Interests.
• When he told the Parliamentary Ethics Committee in 2003 that
payments he received via Schabir Shaik were interest bearing loans
and therefore not a benefit.
• When he, in response to a DA parliamentary question on the
13th of March 2003 (Question 110), stated that he did not meet with
Thomson-CSF’s Alain Thethard.
• Zuma must also now explain why he wrote a hostile letter in
his capacity, “Leader of Government Business on January 19,
2001 to then SCOPA chair Gavin Woods stating, “… there
is no need for the Heath Unit to be involved in the investigation
of the defence acquisition…”.
It is now obvious that Zuma had a material interest in ensuring
that the arms deal investigation did not go ahead or was not as
vigorous as originally intended.
In the light of the lies told by the Deputy President, as well as
in the context of the commitment given by President Mbeki last
week, “… to ensure that the functions of the executive
structures of government are not undermined by corruption..
”, we officially call on Deputy President Zuma to resign now
or for President Mbeki to remove him office.
Unless such action is taken the government’s commitment to
corruption as well as the country’s international reputation
will be dealt a fatal blow.
The leader of the opposition, MP Tony Leon will officially write to
Mbeki requesting him to remove Zuma from office, should he fail to
resign immediately.
In addition, it is now clear that parliament itself must reopen the
investigation into the Arms Deal, further aspects of which have now
been proven to be demonstrably corrupt.
Edited by: Liezel Hill