Pre-Election Report: Equatorial Guinea

House of People’s Representatives Election Results

* The Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea (PDGE) and allies.

Presidential Election Results

*Opposition parties boycotted the election.

^Four Presidential candidates (including Bacale) withdrew alleging fraudulent practice.

Introduction

Much of Equatorial Guinea's postindependence politics is synonymous with the name of Theodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. Obiang has ruled the West African State with an iron fist since 1979 after seizing power through a coup d'état. Previously a Spanish colony, Equatorial Guinea achieved independence in 1968 after pressure from the United Nations and Equatoguinean nationals. Through the Spanish colonial system the country inherited a good education system, as well as a developed healthcare network. Further, the country's per capita income was one of the highest in Africa at the time.

After the passing of a new constitution, in September 1968, Equatorial Guinea's first President, Francisco Macías Nguema, was elected. Three years into his rule, Macias created a single-party State, and amended sections of the constitution to give himself and his party full control over the country's governing structures. In addition, Macias assumed the title President-for-Life much to the dismay of the international community. Until his execution in 1979, Macías' regime was characterised by the neglect of the country's social structure and infrastructure. His dictatorial style of rule meant that the only government function that received any attention was internal security, through which he violently and ruthlessly carried out his will on the country's people; there was no freedom of expression and religion was suppressed. Subsequently, the economy collapsed after authoritarian rule led to the crumbling of the country's infrastructure.

Theodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo

Macías's authoritarian tenure came to an end on August 3, 1979 after Obiang, a colonel in charge of military police, orchestrated a successful coup d'état. Obiang consequently assumed the Presidency in October 1979 after Macías was arrested, tried and executed. Obiang initially ran the country through a Supreme Military Council until a new constitution was drafted and came into effect after popular vote in 1982.

The Supreme Military Council was subsequently abolished and Obiang stayed in the Presidency for a seven-year term and was re-elected in 1989. In the election of 1996, Obiang was once again re-elected with a commanding 97,85% of the vote after opposition parties boycotted the election amid reports of electoral fraud, intimidation and harassment of opposition supporters. Obiang's party, the Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea (PDGE) won 75 of the 80 seats in the House of People's Representatives. Criticism by international election observers pressured Obiang into naming a new cabinet, which included opposition members in minor portfolios.

A similar pattern followed in the 2002 presidential election, with Obiang winning 97,1% of the vote. Again, several opposition parties withdrew from the poll citing electoral fraud. In the 2004 parliamentary election, the PDGE won 98 out of 100 seats. Despite Equatorial Guinea technically being classified as a multiparty State, the reality is that all facets of Equatoguinean society and government are dominated by the PDGE and their doctrine, with little room for opposition politics. The forthcoming presidential election is scheduled for November 29, 2009.

Electoral System

Equatorial Guinea's presidential electoral system consists of a first-past-the-post system in which the candidate with the most votes wins. The President is elected for a seven-year term. According to the constitution, the President is granted extensive powers, including the ability to pass laws by decree, appoint the Prime Minister and dissolve the House of People's Representatives. Further, the President is head of National Security and director of the armed forces. The lack of checks and balances on presidential power afforded by the constitution makes Equatorial Guinea susceptible to authoritarian rule and dictatorship.

The House of Peoples Representatives consists of 100 members who are elected by popular vote in a proportional representation system to serve five-year terms. The House of Representatives in reality has limited independence owing to the PDGE's dominance of the body, as well as the President's ability to dissolve it. In the latest parliamentary election, held in May 2009, the PDGE won 99 seats, while the Convergence for Social Democracy won a single seat. The election was moved forward a year so that it would coincide with local elections. This, the government argued, was a cost-saving strategy. The election was criticised by the opposition, citing fraudulent practice at many polling stations. Further, many parties complained that not enough notice was given for them to adequately campaign.

Political Conditions

Since Obiang came into power, Equatorial Guinea's election history has been marred with reports of corruption and fraud. The manipulation of the election process has allowed the PDGE to dominate every poll to date and enforce an unrivalled hegemony over the country's political landscape. Obiang, however, argues that his ruling party is committed to democracy and has guaranteed an open electoral process by granting opposition parties campaign funding as well as media airtime. However, the government's decision not to make voter lists public, and the fact that only two of the four contesting presidential candidates actually oppose Obiang, has drawn criticism from the opposition and the international community. In addition, Equatorial Guinea has no impartial or independent body that conducts election oversight. The National Election Commission is controlled by the PDGE and headed by a prominent member of the ruling party. The PDGE's dominance means that there is no credible opposition to the dominance of the ruling party.

Despite being one of the richest countries in the region, owing to its vast offshore oil wealth, Equatorial Guinea is one of the least developed. Although the country has reopened schools and hospitals and repaired much of the damage done to the country under the Macías regime, corruption, extortion and the theft of public funds are seriously eroding the country's economy and ability to govern effectively. A recent US study on Obiang's son, Teodorin, tipped to be Obiang's successor, showed that his lavish lifestyle meant that he spent twice the country's 2005 health budget on a spending spree which included a $35-million mansion in Malibu, as well as a private jet and a fleet of luxury cars. The report has caused a media frenzy and has brought attention to the State's misappropriation of public funds.

Coup d'etat

Over the last few years there have been three coup attempts on the Obiang regime. In 2002, the Equatorial Guinea government convicted 68 suspects and their relatives to between six and 20 years of imprisonment on suspicion of an attempted coup plot. The prisoners were leaders of three main opposition parties that were independent from the ruling party. Eventually, the prisoners were granted amnesty after irregularities with the trial as well as reports of torture.

In March 2004, Zimbabwean police impounded a South African plane with 64 alleged mercenaries on board. Although the men initially argued that they were commissioned to provide security for a mine in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Equatoguinean government later detained a further 15 men allegedly part of the original group captured. Leader of the South African mercenaries, Nick du Toit, later admitted during the trial that he played a limited roll in a coup bid organised by British special operations officer Simon Mann to install exiled opposition leader Severo Moto into power. After spending time in the country's infamous Black Beach prison, in November 2009, Mann and Du Toit received presidential pardons and returned to their perspective countries.

Finally, on February 17, 2009, gunmen attempted a seaborne attack on the Presidential Palace in Malabo with the aim of ousting Obiang. Government security forces subsequently repelled the attack and have since accused the main Nigerian rebel group, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, of carrying out the attack. The motives behind the attack are unknown.

The Equatoguinean government regularly used the suspicion of coups as an excuse to crack down on the opposition. In recent times, however, Obiang has showed willingness to grant amnesty to political prisoners. In June 2008, Obiang granted amnesty to 37 jailed political prisoners. Analysts have seen this as a relaxation of the tight controls enforced by the government's internal security forces.

Future Challenges

Despite lacking a well-established democratic tradition, Equatorial Guinea has broken from the anarchic mismanagement of the previous Macías regime and recognised the importance of a sound economy and social development. However, high-level corruption is ruining investor confidence and is undercutting socioeconomic development. One of the country's major challenges is, therefore, to promote and entrench transparent practices and good governance. In accordance with these goals, the government has put forward its candidacy for membership in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which aims to entrench and promote governance and transparency in the commodity sector.

With one of the lowest gross domestic products per capita income in the world, wealth distribution is a major challenge for the Equatoguinean government. With a wealth of oil reserves, the country has a poor pattern of distributing this wealth, with a high proportion of it going to Obiang himself and other high-level officials. An effective wealth distribution programme, with appropriate oversight mechanisms, is therefore needed for the wealth generated by the extraction industry to reach ground level.

With the goal of creating a liberalised free market economy, the government's biggest challenges are eliminating corruption and promoting transparency in order to attract foreign investment. In addition, a healthy democracy would help the West African State create a stable environment for business to flourish. The upcoming election is therefore critical in determining the path of the country's politics and economy.

Main Sources

African Elections Database - Elections in Equatorial Guinea (November 23, 2009).
African Foreign Press - E Guinea President predicts election landslide (November 24, 2009).
Human Rights Watch - Equatorial Guinea: Human Rights Concerns Taint Election (November 25, 2009).
International Foundation for Electoral Systems - Country Profile: Equatorial Guinea (November 24, 2009).
News24 - "Nguema abusing State funds" (November 23, 2009).
Polity - Equatorial Guinea's Obiang expects poll landslide (November 27, 2009).
US Department of State - Background Note: Equatorial Guinea (November 23, 2009).