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Date
: 07/11/2002
Source: SA Reserve Bank
Title: Mboweni: Bureau for Economic Research Annual
Conference
ADDRESS BY MR TT MBOWENI, GOVERNOR OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN RESERVE
BANK, AT THE BUREAU FOR ECONOMIC RESEARCH ANNUAL CONFERENCE, 7
November 2002
MONETARY POLICY AND INFLATION
1. INTRODUCTION
There has been a widespread shift among central banks toward a more
focused approach regarding inflation since the early 1990s.
Countries have increasingly been granting independence to their
central banks with a first policy priority being low inflation.
There is general consensus that high inflation is associated with
bad economic performance and there is recognition by central
bankers that policies aimed at systematically exploiting the
short-run output/inflation trade-off to increase output beyond
potential are in the long run always ineffective and
self-defeating.
There seems to be continued uncertainty in some circles as to the
Reserve Bank's primary objective. I have mentioned the Bank's
primary objective many times before but it seems to need regular
restatement. According to the Constitution "the primary objective
of the Bank shall be to protect the value of the currency of the
Republic in the interest of balanced and sustainable economic
growth". By working towards keeping domestic inflation low, stable,
and predictable, the Bank contributes towards solid, sustainable
economic growth and a higher standard of living for the community.
The autonomy and objectives of the Bank are entrenched in the
Constitution that specifies that the Bank, in pursuit of its
primary objective, must perform its functions independently and
without fear, favour or prejudice.
The Bank has interpreted this constitutional reason for its
existence to mean that it must always strive to achieve and
maintain price stability in South Africa. In the pursuance of this
objective, the Bank assumes responsibility for, firstly,
formulating and implementing monetary policy in such a way that the
primary objective will be achieved in the interest of the whole
community that it serves. Secondly, ensuring that the South African
money and banking system as a whole is sound, meets the
requirements of the community and keeps abreast of developments in
international finance. Thirdly, assisting the South African
government, as well as other members of the economic community of
Southern Africa, in the formulation and implementation of
macroeconomic policy. And fourthly, informing the South African
community and all interested stakeholders abroad about monetary
policy specifically, and the South African economic situation in
general.
In order to avoid global financial crises and the risk of
contagion, the international community has been working hard to
promote good macroeconomic policies, sound financial systems, and
enhanced disclosure so that market discipline can work
constructively. To this end, the Reserve Bank participates in the
work of the Bank for International Settlements, where central
bankers from around the world collaborate in research, and in
developing international codes and best practices. The bank also
participates in the Financial Stability Forum, an international
body that brings together central bankers, regulators, and
government officials to address financial stability concerns. It is
another example of the Bank's forward-looking efforts to ensure
that we are sufficiently prepared to withstand financial shocks
should they occur. The Bank also makes available senior personnel
for International Monetary Fund missions to work in other
countries.
Although the functions of the Bank have changed and expanded over
time, the formulation and implementation of domestic monetary
policy remains one of the cornerstones of its activities. Over the
years the Bank has applied various monetary policy frameworks. From
February 2000 an inflation targeting framework was adopted. The
adoption of this target formally entrusted a single monetary policy
objective to the Bank, namely, price stability. Fully-fledged
inflation targeting is based on important pillars that include an
institutional commitment to price stability, instrument
independence, an absence of other nominal anchors, policy
transparency and accountability and specifies that fiscal dominance
will not be applied. The success of inflation targeting depends
strongly on central bank credibility that is derived from the
market's belief in the Reserve Bank's resolve and ability to meet
the inflation target.
South Africa adopted formal inflation targeting for three main
reasons. In the first place, it was necessary to find the most
credible and transparent monetary policy framework. This came after
a period when money aggregate targets had at first proved less
closely connected to the inflation rate than expected and the
subsequent eclectic monetary policy framework had, among others,
proved less transparent than hoped for. Secondly, there was a
desire to balance the Bank's independence with more specific
accountability. And thirdly, there was a desire to reduce the
social and economic costs of high inflation by reducing the
inflation expectations of both financial markets and agents in the
real economy.
In February 2000 it was announced that the Reserve Bank had to
achieve an average rate of increase in the CPIX measure of
inflation of between 3 and 6 per cent for the year 2002. The CPIX
measure was chosen to ensure a wide coverage of consumer items, but
without the mortgage interest component that would perversely fall
as the Reserve Bank relaxed monetary policy, and vice versa. This
inflation target measure was chosen because of the fact that it is
the measure that most closely approximates a cost of living index
for the wider community. In October 2001 it was announced that the
target range would remain unchanged for 2003, and was set at an
annual average of 3 to 5 per cent for 2004 and 2005.
In the Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement on 29 October 2002 the
Minister of Finance indicated that current conditions warranted a
reconsideration of the targets. With the approval of Cabinet the
target range of 3 to 5 per cent for the year 2004 was accordingly
revised to 3 to 6 per cent. Once inflation has returned to the 3 to
6 per cent range, the authorities will consider introducing a lower
target again.
2. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE INFLATION FORECAST
Monetary policy decisions are made on the basis of current and
expected developments in a number of variables. These variables are
also the main drivers of the Bank's econometric models and the
forecasts obtained from these models contribute to the monetary
policy decision-making process. The Bank's suite of forecasting
models has become an important cornerstone in assessing the
prospects for inflation and growth in the economy. The models have
enabled the Bank to assess more effectively the risks associated
with the predicted outcomes of several variables. The forecasts
alone do not indicate how the monetary policy stance should be
changed but they are a key source of information for the MPC.
The MPC uses a fan chart to assess the risks inherent in the
forecast and to communicate to the public the uncertainties that
lie ahead (the Bank publishes the fan chart in the six-monthly
Monetary Policy Review). The fan chart allows the MPC to focus its
discussions on the potential upside and downside of risks lying
ahead and more particularly on the possible effect of these risks
on inflation. The fan chart clearly illustrates the large degree of
uncertainty to which an inflation forecast is subject but also
gives an indication of the probability of a particular
outcome.
3. ASSESSMENT OF INFLATION TARGETING IN SOUTH AFRICA
South Africa could not escape the combined inflationary
consequences of rising international crude oil prices over the past
two years and a sharp depreciation in the exchange value of the
currency in the latter part of 2001. Despite these developments,
monetary policy has been characterised by more measured and timeous
adjustments to the monetary policy stance and greater interest rate
stability since the introduction of the inflation-targeting
monetary policy framework in South Africa.
In assessing the performance of South Africa's monetary policy
framework one could first of all ask what advantages or potential
benefits were foreseen in adopting inflation targeting.
The advantages that were envisaged were that inflation targeting
would help to focus monetary policy through pre-commitment by
making the objective of monetary policy clear from the outset. It
would provide an anchor for expectations of future inflation to
influence price and wage setting thereby improving planning in the
private and public sectors. Inflation targeting would form part of
a formalised, publicly announced, and co-ordinated effort to
contain inflation in pursuit of sustainable economic growth and
development. And finally, inflation targeting would enhance the
accountability and transparency of the central bank to the
public.
The first important question is whether these advantages have
materialised and, more particularly, whether there is any
significant evidence of an improvement in inflation performance. If
there has been an improvement in inflation performance the next
important question is whether this has been achieved at the cost of
greater output volatility or not. Ideally one would like to see
both a decline in inflation volatility and a decline in output
volatility.
It is important to remember that interest rate changes are only
fully reflected in inflation 12 to 24 months after an adjustment in
policy. Furthermore, exogenous shocks complicate a comparative
analysis over relatively short periods of time so that a period of
at least three to four years would have to transpire from date of
first adopting the new framework in order to be able to make a
clearer assessment of the effectiveness of the new framework. A few
select observations regarding some of the more tangible advantages
that have been derived from the new framework in South Africa can
nevertheless be made at this stage.
Inflation targeting has significantly strengthened the Reserve
Bank's mandate to focus on price stability. Monetary policy
transparency, accountability and communication have been mutually
reinforced with inflation targeting. In previous policy regimes
there was no explicit benchmark against which the performance of
the Bank could be judged objectively. In the inflation-targeting
framework, a specific target range is set for a particular price
index to be achieved within a specific time frame.
Inflation targeting has also been accompanied by major improvements
in the Bank's communication with the public and markets and there
has been a significant upgrade in monetary policy transparency.
Some examples in this regard are the biannual Monetary Policy
Review, the monetary policy statements and the national and
regional Monetary Policy Forums. The Monetary Policy Review
analyses inflation developments and the factors that impact on
inflation. It also provides an assessment of recent monetary policy
developments and a discussion of the inflation outlook as well as
the Reserve Bank's inflation forecast. The monetary policy forums
have become increasingly popular as they provide an opportunity for
two-way dialogue on monetary policy. I also appear periodically
before Parliament.
The fact that the inflation target is decided upon by the Cabinet
has served to ensure the correct monetary and fiscal policy mix
from the outset. It means that the Cabinet in effect agrees that if
fiscal policy is changed, monetary policy would probably also have
to change in order to offset any stimulus (or restraint) flowing
from fiscal policy. Inflation targeting has in effect introduced a
pre-commitment strategy and probably explains why countries that
have adopted this particular approach to inflation targeting are
less often characterised by public disagreements between the
respective fiscal and monetary authorities. Interestingly, every
single country that has adopted an inflation-targeting framework
has up to the present continued to adhere to it.
In South Africa the inflation target has strengthened
forward-looking inflation expectations in most sectors of the
economy and therefore contributed to a weakening of the weight of
past inflation. Although some commentators remain stubbornly
backward-looking and more than a few journalists initially
continued to predict the monetary policy stance on the back of the
most recent CPIX or PPI data, inflation expectations dampened
significantly with the new policy strategy and CPIX inflation fell
from a peak of over 8 per cent in August 2000 to below 6 per cent
in October 2001. Some economists and a number of journalists had
continued to focus on the "unrealistically" narrow and low
inflation target of the Reserve Bank but at the same time had
stressed the need for unions to moderate wage demands to avoid
increases in unemployment. This in itself contributed to a more
forward-looking approach to wage outcomes in general and,
throughout much of last year, wage moderation and productivity
gains served as important cushions that absorbed some of the
inflationary impact of the currency depreciation.
A number of critics of the new framework have argued that inflation
targeting is an untested framework, as no major adverse shocks have
put strain on the achievement of low and stable inflation in many
inflation-targeting countries. This is incorrect as many
inflation-targeting countries are small open economies that have
been subject to severe shocks in the aftermath of the 1997 Asian
crisis. The combined adverse financial and terms-of-trade shocks
suffered by Australia, Chile, Israel and New Zealand, among others,
led to major exchange rate depreciations in these countries which
significantly tested the attainment of their inflation targets.
Although inflation in these countries initially accelerated again
in the aftermath of currency depreciation, they weathered this
storm successfully and recorded less-than-expected pass-through
from exchange rate depreciation to inflation.
The inflation-targeting policy framework provides a fair measure of
flexibility for the Bank. As in other countries that target
inflation, the policy allows for some discretion in the case of
serious supply shocks to avoid costly losses in terms of output and
jobs. In this regard Svensson writes: "In practice ... central
banks avoid causing this instability to other variables than
the CPI, by adopting a more gradualist approach. They do not
attempt to take inflation back to target as fast as possible.
Instead they ... set monetary conditions such that the inflation
projection hits the target at a longer horizon than the shortest
possible ... in this sense ... inflation-targeting central banks
have made the choice to pursue flexible rather than strict
inflation targeting." Svensson, E.O. 1997. Inflation targeting in
an open economy: strict or flexible inflation targeting? Discussion
Paper Series, G97/8. Reserve Bank of New Zealand, November.
4. THE GROWTH AND INFLATION OUTLOOK FOR SOUTH AFRICA
During the past two years the world economy has experienced its
most significant slowdown since the early 1990s. Although the South
African economy proved to be relatively resilient last year, in the
aftermath of September 11 and in the months leading up to December
it was hard to find much optimism among professional economists,
business people, investors and ordinary consumers. Fortunately, on
the growth front things have turned out better than expected. Real
GDP growth for the year 2001 was just over 2 per cent and even if
this is less than is required for robust job creation and per
capita income growth, it is certainly significantly higher than the
growth registered by our most important trading partners and many
other economies that had been affected far more severely by the
slowdown in the world economy. Moreover, many professional
forecasters now expect at least a moderate recovery in the world
economy through the end of the year and beyond, while growth in the
2 to 3 per cent range is widely forecasted for the South African
economy this year.
South Africa's near-term growth prospects are encouraging and
official estimates for the first two quarters of this year exceeded
expectations. Preliminary indicators for a number of sectors, for
example agriculture, manufacturing, electricity, construction and
services, look relatively promising for the second half of 2003.
Both the leading and coincident business cycle indicators have in
recent months provided an encouraging outlook on the back of the
strengthening performance of component indices. The exchange rate
developments should also continue to provide a major boost in
activity to the export and import-substitution sectors and these
sectors should receive a further boost by the anticipated upturn in
global activity and an associated strengthening in commodity
prices. Export performance remains a pivotal aggregate to engender
more robust growth this year and the strength of this contribution
to growth will depend on the pace of recovery in the world
economy.
The budget for 2002/03 envisages a slightly more expansionary
stance and an increase in the budget deficit to GDP ratio. It
allows room for additional spending on targeted social welfare
services, including HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and on
economic infrastructure. In addition, lower taxes have provided tax
relief mainly for low and middle-income earners and have brought
personal and company tax rates closer together. The fiscal and
monetary policy mix therefore augurs well for better economic
performance this year.
The economy nevertheless remains vulnerable to concerns about South
Africa's longer-term growth prospects and high priority must
continue to be given to structural reforms that can make
substantive progress in lowering unemployment and raising living
standards. In particular, we continue to face the challenges of
high unemployment, a low savings level and a high HIV/AIDS
infection rate.
It is therefore of paramount importance that we address the
daunting challenge of ensuring that South Africa's rich natural and
human resources are employed for the benefit of all, promoting
overall and strategic human resources development, improving social
conditions, and alleviating poverty.
The South African authorities are persevering with structural
reform efforts that are essential for higher sustainable growth and
employment and have identified a number of key areas of policy
concern, such as the trade regime, competition policy,
privatisation and public expenditure policies.
Despite these concerns, South Africa's credit rating has improved
by 2 points in the latest country credit ratings. One of the
reasons is that South Africa is generally seen as getting things
right and a process of differentiating South Africa from bad
performers seems to be underway. It is important that we continue
to build on this increasingly favourable rating and further
distinguish ourselves from countries that have discredited
themselves in the eyes of the international investment community.
This will not only call for lower and more stable inflation in the
years ahead, but we must also continue to ensure domestic financial
stability by continuing to strengthen the infrastructure for the
domestic banking system and financial markets. This means focusing
on aspects such as further enhancing astute supervision of banks
and other financial institutions, ensuring that all the proper
market rules are in place, bedding down the appropriate legal
framework, accounting and auditing standards as well as a reliable
system of credit information on individual borrowers.
Turning to inflation prospects, there had been no indication during
the first half of last year of any impending upward movement in
inflation. South Africa, in line with most of its trading partners,
had experienced a slowdown in economic growth during the first half
of 2001, but both fiscal and current account performance was strong
and inflation was falling. There had been sustained fiscal
rectitude and very strong revenue growth with the resultant
favourable budget deficit to GDP outcome for fiscal 2001/02. As a
result of improved macroeconomic performance and prospects in
general, South Africa earned investment grade status on its
external sovereign debt from Moody's in November 2001 while default
risk spreads on South Africa's external sovereign debt narrowed by
some 130 basis points during the course of the year.
Given the fact that we are in an inflation-targeting framework, the
Reserve Bank therefore does not have any intermediate targets or
guidelines, as was the case before the year 2000.
The four measured and timely increases in short-term interest rates
so far this year to counter the inflation spiral were entirely
appropriate but inflation expectations have nevertheless continued
to harden somewhat. The presence of some excess capacity in the
economy should however help limit price pressures, but much also
depends on movements in unit labour costs. It is still too early to
assess the eventual second round inflation outcomes of recent unit
labour cost developments in South Africa although it is apparent
that the 2002 inflation target might not be attained. The findings
of the most recent survey of inflationary expectations reflect the
changed expectations of respondents. The indexation of wages in a
number of important pay settlements also raises concerns about the
eventual second-round effects of recent large price increases and
the Bank will, as always, vigilantly monitor the situation in the
months ahead.
I emphasised in a recent speech that interest rate decisions by the
MPC are conditioned by prevailing demand pressures, currency and
labour cost movements and other indicators of inflationary
conditions. In view of the relatively long transmission lags
between interest rate changes and inflation, it is important that
corrective measures are timeous and measured without seriously
jeopardising the economy's growth performance. Flexible inflation
targeting implies that the Bank should avoid severe corrective
action to bring inflation in 2003 or any of the subsequent years to
within the target range at significant cost to the real economy. At
the same time, however, the Bank must ensure that any second-round
inflationary pressures that would jeopardise the target for 2003
and beyond are contained. The recovery currently underway in the
economy also appears to be sufficiently strong to have weathered
the impact on output of the timeous and measured interest rate
increases during 2002.
5. CONCLUSION
We hold the view that South Africa's economic prosperity will be
enhanced by a price stability approach to monetary policy and that
the inflation-targeting framework is the most appropriate to
achieve this objective. Economists and policy makers alike have
debated the merits of inflation targeting at length and the
experience in other inflation-targeting countries suggests that we
can expect that South Africa's monetary policy framework will
continue to evolve. Although some economists think that a monetary
policy based on price stability will compromise economic growth,
many governments and central banks internationally have come to
recognise that inflation destroys an economy's potential since
there is no long-run trade-off between inflation and unemployment.
The monetary authorities in South Africa share the latter view and
will continue to make decisions based on international best
practice. They are furthermore committed to further improve the
process of monetary policymaking on the basis of continued research
and experience.
REFERENCES:
1. Bernanke, B.S. et al. 1999. Inflation targeting: Lessons from
the International Experience, Princeton University Press.
2. Smal, M.M. and de Jager, S. 2001. The monetary transmission
mechanism in South Africa. Occasional Paper No. 16. Pretoria: South
African Reserve Bank, September.
3. Mboweni, T.T. 2002. Commission of inquiry into the rapid
depreciation of the exchange rate of the rand. Statement in
connection with the autonomy and objectives of the Bank, the
macroeconomic developments in South Africa during 2001, and
developments in the foreign exchange market during 2001. South
African Reserve Bank, 12 March.
4. Mishkin, F.S. and Schmidt-Hebbel, K. 2001. One decade of
inflation targeting in the world: what do we know and what do we
need to know? NBER Working Paper Series, working paper 8397.
Cambridge, MA.
5. Monetary Policy Review. 2002. Pretoria: South African Reserve
Bank, April.
6. South Africa (Republic). 1996. Constitution of the Republic of
South Africa, Act No. 108 of 1996, Pretoria: Government
Printers.
7. South Africa (Republic). 1989. South African Reserve Bank Act,
Act No. 90 of 1989, Pretoria: Government Printers.
8. Svensson, E.O. 1997. Inflation targeting in an open economy:
strict or flexible inflation targeting? Discussion Paper Series,
G97/8. Reserve Bank of New Zealand, November.
9. How to create a stable financial environment in emerging market
economies, Speech by T P Naranubala, Bank of Thailand, 19 Sep,
Cbanknet.
Source: South African Reserve Bank (http://www.reservebank.co.za)